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Endless desperation to nail Ekweremadu

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Without knowing it, the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) has virtually made a super human out of this man called Senator Ike Ekweremadu. It is not because he defied all odds to become the Deputy Senate President in the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), much as it is a display of cross-party acceptance and political sagacity. It is mainly because it appears to me that there is an entrenched guiding paranoid as far as this government is concerned- the fear of Dr. Bukola Saraki and Ekweremadu is the beginning of wisdom.

It appears that whenever Ekweremadu sneezes, the ruling party catches cold. They have tied all manner of milestones around his neck. But, like a typical cat with nine lives, the Enugu-borne lawmaker, lawyer, author, and Professor has so far refused to drown. The same goes for the Senate President, Dr. Bukola Saraki.

This sense of insecurity sold to or engrained in the presidency is largely responsible for the intractable executive-legislative face-off. And just when the hope of a new executive-legislature rapprochement appears on the horizon, following the recent meeting between the two arms at the Aso Villa, the FG filed a Motion Ex-Parte for forfeiture of assets allegedly not declared by Senator Ekweremadu. The Senator has, however, insisted that he declared all his assets. He accused the Okoi Obono-Obla-led Special Presidential Panel on the Recovery of Public Property of relying on petitions by the dismissed former Chief Judge of Enugu State, Justice Innocent Umezulike of the Chicken Impeachment infamy.

Ekweremadu had earlier accused Umezulike of stealing, and doctoring his will in connivance with some politicians, inserting imaginary properties. He accused the panel of refusal to undertake a “thorough and independent investigation” because it was more out on a smear campaign spurred by the politics of 2019.

Without prejudice to the responsibility of the FG to fight corruption, there is something that is called common sense and public perception. One, the petitions by Umezulike (whatever the petitions by an ex-Chief Judge disgraced out of office by the National Judicial Council for corruption and is standing trials in two courts are worth), were written in 2016. Why did the FG have to wait till now that the politics of 2019 is already heating up? How come a government, which sees anti-corruption as a priority couldn’t conclude an independent investigation (as admitted by the FG), thus resorting to Motion Ex-parte? Why did the current move have to come just on the heels of Ekweremadu’s recent unsparing criticism of the executive excesses by the FG and some APC states like Kogi, Kaduna, Kano, etc., which he warned could truncate our democracy?

Furthermore, although not a fan of the PDP, I agree with the posers it raised on the current travails of Ekweremadu. Why rush to court when FG admitted it was yet to complete investigation, whereas functionaries of the government indicted by the National Assembly and even panels constituted by the president himself or his ministers are yet to be prosecuted? PDP cited the examples of the former Secretary to the Government, Babachir Lawal, Ikoyigate scandal, and those responsible for the reinstatement and double promotion of Abdulrasheed Maina.

I agree with the PDP that “Now that the FG has gleefully inundated the public with the real and imaginary assets of the Deputy Senate president, it should now also publish the full assets of the President Muhammadu Buhari, Vice President Yemi Osinbanjo, and its Ministers and Governors, who have all failed to make public their assets as promised during the 2015 election”. It is called coming to equity with clean hands.

I also wonder whether it is auspicious at a time efforts are on to smoothen the rough relations between the two arms, which has stalled a lot of things, such as the budget, presidential nominees, etc. It could be viewed as further effort by the executive to intimidate and undermine the legislature. The House has already passed a resolution to probe the legality and operations of the Obono-Obla-Presidential Panel. It argued that the Obono-Obla panel arrogated to itself the constitutional responsibilities of the Code of Conduct Bureau. Ekweremadu severally referred to the panel as “so-called panel” in his reaction to the forfeiture suit too.

Meanwhile, it suffices to add that Ekweremadu’s travails can best be understood against the backdrop of the emergence of the leadership of the 8th National Assembly. Rebuking APC Senators over to Ekweremadu’s emergence, APC’s spokesman at the time, Lai Mohammed, said “There can be no higher level of treachery, disloyalty and insincerity within any party”. The party also insisted: “Senator Bukola and Hon. Dogara are not the candidates of the APC and a majority of its National Assembly members-elect for the positions of Senate President and House Speaker…. The party is supreme and its interest is superior to that of its individual members”. Obviously, the party failed to consider Section 50 of the 1999 Constitution and the multi-party nature of the National Assembly. It assumed an absolute and divine right to handpick the leadership of the legislature. The party also forgot the role it played in opposition to thwart the emergence of Hon. Adeola Akande (South West) as Speaker and ensure the emergence of Hon. Aminu Tambuwal (North West) against PDP’s zoning arrangement.

Its position on Ekweremadu is also soaked in duplicity when some pre-2015 events are replayed. On the 29th October 2014 when Tambuwal defected to the APC, retaining the speakership, Lai Mohammed said: “I must say that this historic development means that our democracy is growing by the day and it is dynamic…. We think that having the head of the legislature from the opposition party makes for a balanced setting in government and it’s good for democracy”. Muhammadu Buhari said, “We will like to thank Alhaji Aminu Tambuwal for what he did yesterday. We were overwhelmed”.

But the same Mohammed told Channels TV on Ekweremadu: “If you understand how the National Assembly works and the kind of power the leadership has, you will understand the danger of what happened yesterday. For instance today, we can no longer talk about having leadership caucus in the National Assembly today because the leadership is made up of both the PDP and the APC”. Dr. Chris Ngige, then an aspirant to the Office of the SGF, said the APC had many ways of killing a rat. Ever since, there has been no respite for Ekweremadu.

On 17th November 2015,
the nation was shocked to hear about a failed attempt on Ekweremadu’s life in Abuja, although he never accused the APC, anyway. He recently alleged that the security agencies were yet to investigate the matter despite his full reports to them.

On 27th June 2016, he was arraigned alongside Saraki over alleged forgery of Senate Standing Rule. Curiously, the police report (itself a subject of litigation), which the FG relied on, neither mentioned, let alone indict Ekweremadu or his boss. The same government eventually withdrew the charges in October 2016 because it was a road to nowhere. On 27th May 2017, the Inspector-General of Police’s Special Squad raided Ekweremadu’s official guesthouse in Abuja. The police initially denied it, but eventually admitted it and blamed whistleblowers. To save face, one Ahmed Echoda was docked for “wrong information”. He was granted bail at the next hearing; end of Act one, scene three. So, who would blame many Nigerians, who have described the current assets palaver as a continuation of an endless, absurd drama or another trick from the magician’s bag? But, the question remains: Is a man whose house is on fire supposed to be chasing after rats?

Adebayo, a political analyst, writes from Ibadan

GrassRoots.ng is on a critical mission; to objectively and honestly represent the voice of ‘grassrooters’ in International, Federal, State and Local Government fora; heralding the achievements of political and other leaders and investors alike, without discrimination. This daily, digital news publication platform serves as the leading source of up-to-date information on how people and events reflect on the global community. The pragmatic articles reflect on the life of the community people, covering news/current affairs, business, technology, culture and fashion, entertainment, sports, State, National and International issues that directly impact the locals.

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The Intellectual Sins of June 12: A Reckoning with Nigeria’s Democratic Conscience

Article Written by Professor Ojo Emmanuel Ademola

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The Intellectual Sins of June 12
The Intellectual Sins of June 12

Every June 12, Nigeria observes a significant date that embodies both the aspirations for democracy and the painful betrayal of that dream. This day commemorates the 1993 presidential election, celebrated as the most free and fair in the country’s history but ultimately annulled by the military regime led by General Ibrahim Babangida.

While the focus has often been on the political and military figures involved, there has been less emphasis on the intellectual shortcomings that contributed to this democratic failure.

These shortcomings—the “intellectual sins” of June 12—include silence, complicity, and ideological failures that continue to impact Nigeria’s pursuit of democracy.

The Election That Could Have Changed Everything:

On June 12, 1993, Nigerians came together to vote for Chief Moshood Kashimawo Olawale (MKO) Abiola, a well-known southern Muslim celebrated for his wealth, philanthropy, and political acumen. His electoral victory was more than just a tally of votes; it became a powerful symbol of national unity and a collective longing for civilian governance following years of military rule.

The military’s annulment of the election results, based on vague security concerns and claims of irregularities, was profoundly disappointing. This decision was not merely a political manoeuvre; it represented a significant betrayal of the democratic values that the election was meant to uphold.

The Silence of the Intellectual Class:

One of the most troubling aspects of the June 12 crisis was the widespread silence—or, even worse, the rationalizations—by many in Nigeria’s intellectual elite. University professors, public commentators, and thought leaders, who should have served as the nation’s moral compass, largely failed to speak out against the annulment. Some even justified it, wrapping their arguments in legal jargon or appealing to national stability.

The silence in this situation was not neutral; it was an act of complicity. During times of national crisis, when the intelligentsia chooses to remain silent, this absence is not merely a lack of comment—it is an endorsement of the status quo. Nigeria’s intellectual class’s failure to provide a strong defence of democracy in 1993 highlighted a more profound issue: a lack of genuine commitment to democratic governance.

Ethnic Chauvinism and the Failure of National Integration:

The annulment highlighted the fragility of Nigeria’s national identity. Although Abiola had widespread appeal across the country, the decision to invalidate his victory was perceived mainly as influenced by northern political elites who were uneasy about a southern Muslim becoming president. This perception, whether accurate or not, strengthened the belief that Nigeria’s democracy is held captive by ethnic and regional interests.

Once again, the intellectual class fell short. Instead of confronting the ethnicization of politics, many scholars and commentators either overlooked it or contributed to it. The chance to use June 12 as a catalyst for national integration and civic nationalism was missed.

The Legal and Constitutional Vacuum:

The events of June 12 highlighted Nigeria’s fragile legal and constitutional framework. The annulment of the election exposed the country’s institutions as inadequate in preventing executive overreach and safeguarding the electoral process. At that time, there was a lack of an independent judiciary capable of contesting military actions, an ineffective legislature to oversee government activities, and a civil society that was not sufficiently strong to mobilize in response.

The Institutional weakness in Nigeria was not a coincidence; it stemmed from years of intellectual neglect. The country’s legal scholars, constitutional designers, and policy thinkers did not create a system robust enough to resist authoritarian tendencies. Consequently, the annulment of electoral processes directly resulted from this inadequacy.

The Myth of Transition Without Transformation:

The military’s commitment to transitioning Nigeria to civilian rule was fraught with inconsistencies. The annulment of the June 12 elections exposed the illusion that democratic governance could be realised without a fundamental change in the country’s political culture. The transition program itself was characterized by a top-down approach, a lack of transparency, and a focus on maintaining the interests of the elite.

Many intellectuals were drawn into the myth surrounding a purportedly democratic transition process. By actively participating in advisory roles, they inadvertently lent credibility to a system that lacked true democratic principles. Their failure to critically examine the underlying foundations of this transition program represents a significant intellectual oversight.

The Repetition of History:

The aftermath of June 12 has had lasting repercussions for Nigeria, as the country seems trapped in a cycle of repeating past mistakes. Key issues such as electoral malpractice, the dominance of elites over democratic institutions, and the suppression of dissent are still prevalent in the political landscape. Unfortunately, society has not fully grasped or embraced the vital lessons from June 12, indicating a failure to learn from history.

The recurring failures In Nigeria’s democracy highlight a deeper intellectual shortcoming, as there is a reluctance to engage in critical self-reflection and necessary institutional reform. It is simpler for leaders to honour June 12 through ceremonies and speeches rather than address the uncomfortable realities that emerge from this historical moment.

A Path to Redemption:

Nigeria needs to initiate a new democratic renaissance to address the intellectual shortcomings highlighted on June 12. This revival should focus on enhancing civic education, implementing institutional reforms, and reaffirming a strong commitment to democratic values.

1. Enhancing civic education within society is essential to ensuring the vitality of democracy. This involves prioritizing the teaching of democratic principles, critical thinking, and active citizenship in schools, universities, and media outlets. By doing so, citizens will become more aware of their rights and responsibilities, thus fostering a more engaged and informed populace.

2. Strengthen Institutions: A functioning democracy requires that the judiciary, electoral commission, and legislature operate without political interference. Achieving this necessitates legal reforms and a significant cultural shift in how power is exercised and contested within society.

3. Empower a New Generation of Public Intellectuals: Nigeria requires independent thinkers who prioritize democratic values over ethnic or political affiliations. These intellectuals should courageously challenge authority and advocate for democratic principles, unafraid of potential repercussions.

4. Confront the Past Honestly: The June 12 crisis serves as an important historical event that should be incorporated into school curricula and discussed in public forums. It carries significant moral lessons that are essential for understanding the past. By acknowledging and confronting this history, Nigeria can work towards establishing a more just and democratic future.

Conclusion: Democracy as a Moral Imperative

June 12 serves as a powerful reminder of Nigeria’s complex democratic journey, highlighting both its potential and challenges. Rather than merely marking the date with hollow statements, engaging in a genuine reflection on the past is essential. The mistakes of that time—characterized by silence, complicity, and ideological failures—should not be repeated. As we honour this day, we must recommit ourselves to the ideals embodied by Abiola’s victory, including justice, unity, and the empowerment of the people.

Democracy transcends being merely a system of governance; it is fundamentally a moral obligation. Every citizen, particularly those influential in shaping public opinion, has the responsibility to uphold and defend democratic principles with bravery, clarity, and firm conviction.

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PDP Crisis: Saraki, Dickson, Dankwambo Storm Enugu, Meet with Gov Mbah

… South East is important to PDP, says Saraki – REPORTER: SANDRA ANI

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Saraki, Dickson, Dankwambo Storm Enugu, Meet with Gov Mbah
L-r: former governor of Gombe State, Dr. Ibrahim Dankwambo; former President of the Senate, Dr. Bukola Saraki; Governor Peter Mbah of Enugu State and former governor of Bayelsa State, Senator Seriake Dickson

In a clear bid to stem the tide of crisis rocking the Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, the PDP Special Reconciliation Committee chaired by former President of the Senate, Dr. Bukola Saraki, Friday, met with the governor of Enugu State and leader of the party in the South East region, Dr. Peter Mbah.

Other members of the Committee present at the meeting, which held behind closed doors at the Government House, Enugu, were former governor of Bayelsa State, Senator Seriake Dickson, and former governor of Gombe State, Dr. Ibrahim Dankwambo.

It is recalled that the leaders of PDP in the zone had in a communique issued after the South East PDP Zonal Executive Council, ZEC, meeting a fortnight ago announced the re-nomination of former PDP National Youth Leader, Hon. Sunday Udeh-Okoye, to serve out the remaining tenure of the National Secretary, threatening possible exodus should their decision not be respected.

“In the event that our position is not promptly implemented by the Party, the South East PDP, as a family, will be compelled to reconsider our relationship with the PDP going forward,” the communique stated.

But addressing newsmen after the closed-door meeting with Mbah, Saraki said, “We are members of the PDP Reconciliation and Strategy Committee that was set up recently by the PDP Governors’ Forum to work towards ensuring that our upcoming National Executive Council meeting and also likely convention is rancor-free and and works smoothly.

“In line with that, we are here in Enugu State to consult with one of our leaders, Governor Peter Mbah, who is the leader of South East PDP.

“This is the first state we are coming to because we appreciate the importance of the South East in our PDP family. As you all know, the South East has played a key role as the bedrock of the popularity and the strength of our party.

“In recognition of that, we are here to consult with him and first to commend him on the leadership role he has been playing in the party. More importantly also, to commend what he is doing in Enugu State, which is a reflection for Nigerians to see what happens when you have a PDP government.

“In doing that, we discussed how we will ensure that we carry out the assignment given to us and go ahead to have our NEC and our convention. We will have one that is rancor-free and smooth, peaceful and lays the foundation for the PDP that we all are wishing for.

“We have had a very good discussion. Frankly, we have had a very, very useful discussion. We are going away with some of the suggestions that we have here and hopefully work on that.

“With this, we can say here in Enugu we laid the foundation for a greater new PDP that is coming.

“What we have also seen today is that there is nothing insurmountable in the challenge ahead and the spirit, the commitment of all of us, especially our leaders, is very very inspiring,” he stated.

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Ratify Udeh-Okoye as National Secretary or Face Mass Exit, South East Threatens PDP

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Ratify Udeh-Okoye as National Secretary or Face Mass Exit, South East Threatens PDP

… It’s time to stand together – Mbah

… We’ve been trampled upon – Wabara

… We don’t want to be taken for granted – Achike Udenwa

The crisis currently rocking the opposition Peoples Democratic Party, PDP, has worsened as the South East caucus of the party has threatened mass exit from the troubled party if its choice of Hon. Udeh-Okoye as the National Secretary is not respected for the umpteenth time.

This was even as the governor of Enugu State and leader of the PDP in the zone, Dr. Peter Mbah, said it was time for the zone to speak with one voice, while the Chairman of PDP Board of Trustees, Senator Adolphus Wabara, and former governor of Imo State, Chief Achike Udenwa, expressed fury over what they described as the party’s disrespecting and trampling of the region.

The zone vented its displeasure in a communique read by the Zonal Chairman, Chief Ali Odefa, at the end of a meeting by the South East Zonal Executive, ZEC, at the Government House, Enugu on Wednesday.

It said the meeting was convened to nominate a candidate to complete the remaining term of the position of National Secretary in line with the directive of the party’s National Working Committee, NWC, during its 600th meeting in Abuja.

Rendering the communique, Odefa said, “The South East ZEC exhaustively deliberated on the directive of the NWC and came to the conclusion that it offered a sure pathway to peace, unity, stability, and progress of our party. Consequently, the ZEC unanimously recommended Hon. Sunday Udeh-Okoye as the candidate to complete the term of office of the National Secretary.”

The South East PDP, however regretted that it had to go through the process of nominating Udeh-Okoye severally since October 2023, and urged the NWC to not only immediately ratify his nomination, but also ensure that Arch. Setonji Koshoedo effectively occupies the Office of the National Secretary in acting capacity pending Udeh-Okoye’s ratification by the NEC.

The South East PDP, however, threatened to review its continued membership of the party should its position suffer further delay despite its agelong loyalty to the PDP.

“The South East has consistently served as a stronghold of the PDP from inception. In PDP’s near three-decade existence, we have given our loyalty and all to the party.

“Currently, while the party has been losing key members post-2023 general elections, the South East PDP is at the vanguard of strengthening the Party by rallying major opposition figures such as in Enugu where the Labour Party, LP, gubernatorial candidate, two LP House of Representatives Members, numerous members of the House of Assembly, among other stalwarts into the PDP fold.

“Therefore, we hope that this time around, the position of the South East PDP regarding the Office of the National Secretary is accorded the honour and immediacy it deserves. This would bring to a closure to the needless lingering dispute over the matter.

“However, in the event that our position is not promptly implemented by the Party, the South East PDP, as a family, will be compelled to reconsider our relationship with the PDP going forward,” the communique concluded.

Wabara, on his part, said it was in order to review the region’s relationship with the party should what he described as trampling of the zone by the party persist.

“We have been trampled upon, not taken seriously. If such a position were vacant in the South-South, it would not be like this. And now, it came to us. I mean, the usual thing is to play politics with the Igbo man. Yes, we may have to reconsider our stand as far as the party is concerned. But I trust the NWC,” he stated.

Udenwa, on his part, Udenwa said, “We are expecting that this issue will be finally ironed out once and for all. We do not want to be taken for granted by anybody again.”

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