GRPolitics
Endless desperation to nail Ekweremadu


Without knowing it, the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) has virtually made a super human out of this man called Senator Ike Ekweremadu. It is not because he defied all odds to become the Deputy Senate President in the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), much as it is a display of cross-party acceptance and political sagacity. It is mainly because it appears to me that there is an entrenched guiding paranoid as far as this government is concerned- the fear of Dr. Bukola Saraki and Ekweremadu is the beginning of wisdom.
It appears that whenever Ekweremadu sneezes, the ruling party catches cold. They have tied all manner of milestones around his neck. But, like a typical cat with nine lives, the Enugu-borne lawmaker, lawyer, author, and Professor has so far refused to drown. The same goes for the Senate President, Dr. Bukola Saraki.
This sense of insecurity sold to or engrained in the presidency is largely responsible for the intractable executive-legislative face-off. And just when the hope of a new executive-legislature rapprochement appears on the horizon, following the recent meeting between the two arms at the Aso Villa, the FG filed a Motion Ex-Parte for forfeiture of assets allegedly not declared by Senator Ekweremadu. The Senator has, however, insisted that he declared all his assets. He accused the Okoi Obono-Obla-led Special Presidential Panel on the Recovery of Public Property of relying on petitions by the dismissed former Chief Judge of Enugu State, Justice Innocent Umezulike of the Chicken Impeachment infamy.
Ekweremadu had earlier accused Umezulike of stealing, and doctoring his will in connivance with some politicians, inserting imaginary properties. He accused the panel of refusal to undertake a “thorough and independent investigation” because it was more out on a smear campaign spurred by the politics of 2019.
Without prejudice to the responsibility of the FG to fight corruption, there is something that is called common sense and public perception. One, the petitions by Umezulike (whatever the petitions by an ex-Chief Judge disgraced out of office by the National Judicial Council for corruption and is standing trials in two courts are worth), were written in 2016. Why did the FG have to wait till now that the politics of 2019 is already heating up? How come a government, which sees anti-corruption as a priority couldn’t conclude an independent investigation (as admitted by the FG), thus resorting to Motion Ex-parte? Why did the current move have to come just on the heels of Ekweremadu’s recent unsparing criticism of the executive excesses by the FG and some APC states like Kogi, Kaduna, Kano, etc., which he warned could truncate our democracy?
Furthermore, although not a fan of the PDP, I agree with the posers it raised on the current travails of Ekweremadu. Why rush to court when FG admitted it was yet to complete investigation, whereas functionaries of the government indicted by the National Assembly and even panels constituted by the president himself or his ministers are yet to be prosecuted? PDP cited the examples of the former Secretary to the Government, Babachir Lawal, Ikoyigate scandal, and those responsible for the reinstatement and double promotion of Abdulrasheed Maina.
I agree with the PDP that “Now that the FG has gleefully inundated the public with the real and imaginary assets of the Deputy Senate president, it should now also publish the full assets of the President Muhammadu Buhari, Vice President Yemi Osinbanjo, and its Ministers and Governors, who have all failed to make public their assets as promised during the 2015 election”. It is called coming to equity with clean hands.
I also wonder whether it is auspicious at a time efforts are on to smoothen the rough relations between the two arms, which has stalled a lot of things, such as the budget, presidential nominees, etc. It could be viewed as further effort by the executive to intimidate and undermine the legislature. The House has already passed a resolution to probe the legality and operations of the Obono-Obla-Presidential Panel. It argued that the Obono-Obla panel arrogated to itself the constitutional responsibilities of the Code of Conduct Bureau. Ekweremadu severally referred to the panel as “so-called panel” in his reaction to the forfeiture suit too.
Meanwhile, it suffices to add that Ekweremadu’s travails can best be understood against the backdrop of the emergence of the leadership of the 8th National Assembly. Rebuking APC Senators over to Ekweremadu’s emergence, APC’s spokesman at the time, Lai Mohammed, said “There can be no higher level of treachery, disloyalty and insincerity within any party”. The party also insisted: “Senator Bukola and Hon. Dogara are not the candidates of the APC and a majority of its National Assembly members-elect for the positions of Senate President and House Speaker…. The party is supreme and its interest is superior to that of its individual members”. Obviously, the party failed to consider Section 50 of the 1999 Constitution and the multi-party nature of the National Assembly. It assumed an absolute and divine right to handpick the leadership of the legislature. The party also forgot the role it played in opposition to thwart the emergence of Hon. Adeola Akande (South West) as Speaker and ensure the emergence of Hon. Aminu Tambuwal (North West) against PDP’s zoning arrangement.
Its position on Ekweremadu is also soaked in duplicity when some pre-2015 events are replayed. On the 29th October 2014 when Tambuwal defected to the APC, retaining the speakership, Lai Mohammed said: “I must say that this historic development means that our democracy is growing by the day and it is dynamic…. We think that having the head of the legislature from the opposition party makes for a balanced setting in government and it’s good for democracy”. Muhammadu Buhari said, “We will like to thank Alhaji Aminu Tambuwal for what he did yesterday. We were overwhelmed”.
But the same Mohammed told Channels TV on Ekweremadu: “If you understand how the National Assembly works and the kind of power the leadership has, you will understand the danger of what happened yesterday. For instance today, we can no longer talk about having leadership caucus in the National Assembly today because the leadership is made up of both the PDP and the APC”. Dr. Chris Ngige, then an aspirant to the Office of the SGF, said the APC had many ways of killing a rat. Ever since, there has been no respite for Ekweremadu.
On 17th November 2015,
the nation was shocked to hear about a failed attempt on Ekweremadu’s life in Abuja, although he never accused the APC, anyway. He recently alleged that the security agencies were yet to investigate the matter despite his full reports to them.
On 27th June 2016, he was arraigned alongside Saraki over alleged forgery of Senate Standing Rule. Curiously, the police report (itself a subject of litigation), which the FG relied on, neither mentioned, let alone indict Ekweremadu or his boss. The same government eventually withdrew the charges in October 2016 because it was a road to nowhere. On 27th May 2017, the Inspector-General of Police’s Special Squad raided Ekweremadu’s official guesthouse in Abuja. The police initially denied it, but eventually admitted it and blamed whistleblowers. To save face, one Ahmed Echoda was docked for “wrong information”. He was granted bail at the next hearing; end of Act one, scene three. So, who would blame many Nigerians, who have described the current assets palaver as a continuation of an endless, absurd drama or another trick from the magician’s bag? But, the question remains: Is a man whose house is on fire supposed to be chasing after rats?
Adebayo, a political analyst, writes from Ibadan


When the President called to inform me of his decision to magnanimously confer on me the the National Award of Commander of the Federal Republic, CFR, on account of my much advertised role in the struggle for the validation of the June 12th election and affirmation of Chief MKO Abiola’s mandate, my first reaction was why only me and not all those unsung heroes.
Those officers and men who actively participated in that struggle, risking their careers and even lives.
Although I was one of the leaders of that movement within the military, my contribution was by no means bigger than theirs.
While I have been recognised and celebrated, including this National Honour by the President, they have remained anonymous.
It is therefore incumbent upon me to reveal the identity of these patriots if only to acknowledge and commend their contributions to the emergence of the current democratic dispensation.
The fact that Chief Abiola, the presumed winner of the June 12th election won over 80% of the Armed Forces votes, clearly demonstrated the contribution of the other members of the military. I should add that this list is by no means exhaustive.
There are a lot more participants who have remained unknown to me since they served under others.
I apologise to all those whose names I must have missed. May God recognise and reward your sacrifice.
Top on my list is my deputy at the Armoured Corps Centre and School, Col MA Garba, whose commitment was so strong that he continued with the execution of our plans after some of us were arrested, detained and mercifully retired in October, 1993. He went on, as he should, to attain the enviable rank of a Major General in the army. Others are:
Others are:
-Lt col Lawal Jaafaru Isa.
-Lt col UF Ahmed.
-Lt col MS Dasuki.
-Lt col ML Gwadabe.
-Lt col J. Temlong.
-Lt col Musa Shehu.
-Lt col Chris Eze.
-Lt col HM Dzarma.
-Lt col Isa Jibrin.
-Lt col JOS Oshanupin.
-Lt Col A Oloruntoba(kabiesi Olugbede of Gbede kingdom).
-Lt col Moke.
-Lt col Happy Bulus.
-Lt col Olagunsoye Oyinlola.
-Col J Okai.
-Col E. Ndubueze.
-Lt col Yakubu Muazu.
-Lt col Yahaya Abubakar ( current Etsu Nupe).
-Major Saad Abubakar (current Sultan of Sokoto).
-Maj Abba Maimalari.
-Maj Jamil Tahir.
-Maj Buzugbe.
-Maj LP Aprezi.
-Maj MK Yake.
-Maj J Dawah.
-Maj Suleiman Wali.
-Maj Dauda Komo.
-Maj Lucky Torrie.
-Maj JS Zaruwa.
-Maj M Sumaye.
-Maj Sani Bawa.
-Maj Ndaliman.
Maj Ahmed.
-Maj M Bawa.
-Lt col JB Ahmadu.
-Capt Junaid Bindawa.
-Capt Lar.
I therefore accept this award with all sense of humility on behalf of all these officers and men. Obviously, it goes without saying that this award will be doubly more meaningful if the democracy we all fought for delivers the real dividends.
This can happen only if leaders at all levels govern with the fear of God and in accordance with the tenets of democracy.
It remains the hope and prayers of all patriots that nothing is done to derail this infant democracy.
To achieve the stability and progress of our democracy, leaders must prioritise good governance over politicking for self aggrandizement.
The three co-equal branches of government must operate independently while cooperating with each other.
One enduring lesson from the conduct of the officers and men is their decision to operate above sycophancy but to hold their superior officers to account.
Sadly, this does not appear to have a positive impact on our political leaders. Sycophancy everywhere has become the scourge of selfless and accountable leadership. It is the reason for the arrogance and vanity we see in our leaders at all levels. Men of straw are widely and falsely being elevated to the position of icons by self seeking sycophants.
Mr President must lead in a war against sycophancy in all its forms. This must allow for no exceptions including the rapidly growing trend of naming and renaming public institutions, facilities and other infrastructure after a President or State Governor while in office.
The other day, the Senate President was reported to have predicted that President Bola Tinubu will win the 2027 election with 99.9% of the votes! Even allowing for the fact that this Senate President is widely known for his humorous incitement, Mr President will do well to shun such oracles.
God bless Nigeria.
Abubakar Dangiwa Umar, Colonel (Rtd)


The Kogi State Government has commended Hon. James Abiodun Faleke, Member Representing Ikeja Federal Constituency in the House of Representatives, for his unbending commitment to the security and wellbeing of his home state, describing him as “a patriotic Kogite who leads by example.”
Faleke, an indigene of Kogi State, recently donated a brand-new Hilux patrol vehicle to support the operations of the newly commissioned Smart Police Divisional Headquarters in Ekinrin-Adde, Ijumu Local Government Area.
The high-tech facility which was facilitated by the Nigeria Police Trust Fund in its collaboration with the Government of Kogi State to ensure security at every corner of the state by modernizing and digitizing security operations in the state.
Speaking with journalists on Sunday, the Kogi State Commissioner for Information and Communications, Kingsley Femi Fanwo, conveyed the appreciation of Governor Ahmed Usman Ododo to the federal lawmaker, stating that Hon. Faleke has demonstrated what it means to place security above politics and people’s well-being above personal ambition.
“The Government of Kogi State wishes to reecho the open commendation earlier given by His Excellency during the commissioning of the Smart Police Divisional Headquarters,” Fanwo said.
“As a Government, we appreciate the demonstrative contribution of Hon. James Faleke to the security architecture and infrastructure of the state. This is how to lead the people with emphasis on security above politics, patriotism above scheming with the lives of our people.”
Fanwo added that Hon. Faleke has played key underground roles in support of intelligence, logistics, and coordination with security agencies, working quietly but effectively with the State Government to ensure lives and property are better protected in Kogi State.
The Commissioner expressed confidence that Faleke’s latest intervention would significantly strengthen security not only in Ijumu but across Okunland, Kogi West, and the entire state.
“This is one intervention that we are sure will improve the security of Ijumu, Okunland, Kogi West, and Kogi as a whole. This is how to make an impact without playing to the gallery. What the people need are concrete interventions that can save lives, not selfish arrangements that protect personal interests at the expense of the people.
“The people know those who are genuinely working for their security, those working closely with the State Government to achieve lasting peace in Kogi State. They also know those who are merely playing politics with the lives of the people.”
The Government urged political and business leaders of Kogi origin to emulate Hon. Faleke’s sense of responsibility and selfless service to the people.
“Hon. James Faleke has set an example for others to emulate. He has shown that the lives of his people matter. He is not doing all of these to protect a personal interest or his investment or the investment of his friends. He is doing it to protect the Kogi people, his people”, he said.
Fanwo also disclosed that the Government is closely monitoring the activities of illegal miners and their collaborators, vowing that those compromising the security of the state through economic sabotage will face stiff consequences.
“We are aware of the activities of illegal miners and their enablers. Let it be known that the state will not tolerate any action that puts the lives of our people at risk. We are taking bold steps to ensure that criminal actors do not jeopardize the peace we are working hard to build.”
The Kogi State Government reaffirmed its commitment to partnering with patriotic stakeholders like Hon. James Faleke in its mission to secure every corner of the state and preserve the gains already made in law enforcement and public safety.
GRPolitics
The Intellectual Sins of June 12: A Reckoning with Nigeria’s Democratic Conscience
Article Written by Professor Ojo Emmanuel Ademola


Every June 12, Nigeria observes a significant date that embodies both the aspirations for democracy and the painful betrayal of that dream. This day commemorates the 1993 presidential election, celebrated as the most free and fair in the country’s history but ultimately annulled by the military regime led by General Ibrahim Babangida.
While the focus has often been on the political and military figures involved, there has been less emphasis on the intellectual shortcomings that contributed to this democratic failure.
These shortcomings—the “intellectual sins” of June 12—include silence, complicity, and ideological failures that continue to impact Nigeria’s pursuit of democracy.
The Election That Could Have Changed Everything:
On June 12, 1993, Nigerians came together to vote for Chief Moshood Kashimawo Olawale (MKO) Abiola, a well-known southern Muslim celebrated for his wealth, philanthropy, and political acumen. His electoral victory was more than just a tally of votes; it became a powerful symbol of national unity and a collective longing for civilian governance following years of military rule.
The military’s annulment of the election results, based on vague security concerns and claims of irregularities, was profoundly disappointing. This decision was not merely a political manoeuvre; it represented a significant betrayal of the democratic values that the election was meant to uphold.
The Silence of the Intellectual Class:
One of the most troubling aspects of the June 12 crisis was the widespread silence—or, even worse, the rationalizations—by many in Nigeria’s intellectual elite. University professors, public commentators, and thought leaders, who should have served as the nation’s moral compass, largely failed to speak out against the annulment. Some even justified it, wrapping their arguments in legal jargon or appealing to national stability.
The silence in this situation was not neutral; it was an act of complicity. During times of national crisis, when the intelligentsia chooses to remain silent, this absence is not merely a lack of comment—it is an endorsement of the status quo. Nigeria’s intellectual class’s failure to provide a strong defence of democracy in 1993 highlighted a more profound issue: a lack of genuine commitment to democratic governance.
Ethnic Chauvinism and the Failure of National Integration:
The annulment highlighted the fragility of Nigeria’s national identity. Although Abiola had widespread appeal across the country, the decision to invalidate his victory was perceived mainly as influenced by northern political elites who were uneasy about a southern Muslim becoming president. This perception, whether accurate or not, strengthened the belief that Nigeria’s democracy is held captive by ethnic and regional interests.
Once again, the intellectual class fell short. Instead of confronting the ethnicization of politics, many scholars and commentators either overlooked it or contributed to it. The chance to use June 12 as a catalyst for national integration and civic nationalism was missed.
The Legal and Constitutional Vacuum:
The events of June 12 highlighted Nigeria’s fragile legal and constitutional framework. The annulment of the election exposed the country’s institutions as inadequate in preventing executive overreach and safeguarding the electoral process. At that time, there was a lack of an independent judiciary capable of contesting military actions, an ineffective legislature to oversee government activities, and a civil society that was not sufficiently strong to mobilize in response.
The Institutional weakness in Nigeria was not a coincidence; it stemmed from years of intellectual neglect. The country’s legal scholars, constitutional designers, and policy thinkers did not create a system robust enough to resist authoritarian tendencies. Consequently, the annulment of electoral processes directly resulted from this inadequacy.
The Myth of Transition Without Transformation:
The military’s commitment to transitioning Nigeria to civilian rule was fraught with inconsistencies. The annulment of the June 12 elections exposed the illusion that democratic governance could be realised without a fundamental change in the country’s political culture. The transition program itself was characterized by a top-down approach, a lack of transparency, and a focus on maintaining the interests of the elite.
Many intellectuals were drawn into the myth surrounding a purportedly democratic transition process. By actively participating in advisory roles, they inadvertently lent credibility to a system that lacked true democratic principles. Their failure to critically examine the underlying foundations of this transition program represents a significant intellectual oversight.
The Repetition of History:
The aftermath of June 12 has had lasting repercussions for Nigeria, as the country seems trapped in a cycle of repeating past mistakes. Key issues such as electoral malpractice, the dominance of elites over democratic institutions, and the suppression of dissent are still prevalent in the political landscape. Unfortunately, society has not fully grasped or embraced the vital lessons from June 12, indicating a failure to learn from history.
The recurring failures In Nigeria’s democracy highlight a deeper intellectual shortcoming, as there is a reluctance to engage in critical self-reflection and necessary institutional reform. It is simpler for leaders to honour June 12 through ceremonies and speeches rather than address the uncomfortable realities that emerge from this historical moment.
A Path to Redemption:
Nigeria needs to initiate a new democratic renaissance to address the intellectual shortcomings highlighted on June 12. This revival should focus on enhancing civic education, implementing institutional reforms, and reaffirming a strong commitment to democratic values.
1. Enhancing civic education within society is essential to ensuring the vitality of democracy. This involves prioritizing the teaching of democratic principles, critical thinking, and active citizenship in schools, universities, and media outlets. By doing so, citizens will become more aware of their rights and responsibilities, thus fostering a more engaged and informed populace.
2. Strengthen Institutions: A functioning democracy requires that the judiciary, electoral commission, and legislature operate without political interference. Achieving this necessitates legal reforms and a significant cultural shift in how power is exercised and contested within society.
3. Empower a New Generation of Public Intellectuals: Nigeria requires independent thinkers who prioritize democratic values over ethnic or political affiliations. These intellectuals should courageously challenge authority and advocate for democratic principles, unafraid of potential repercussions.
4. Confront the Past Honestly: The June 12 crisis serves as an important historical event that should be incorporated into school curricula and discussed in public forums. It carries significant moral lessons that are essential for understanding the past. By acknowledging and confronting this history, Nigeria can work towards establishing a more just and democratic future.
Conclusion: Democracy as a Moral Imperative
June 12 serves as a powerful reminder of Nigeria’s complex democratic journey, highlighting both its potential and challenges. Rather than merely marking the date with hollow statements, engaging in a genuine reflection on the past is essential. The mistakes of that time—characterized by silence, complicity, and ideological failures—should not be repeated. As we honour this day, we must recommit ourselves to the ideals embodied by Abiola’s victory, including justice, unity, and the empowerment of the people.
Democracy transcends being merely a system of governance; it is fundamentally a moral obligation. Every citizen, particularly those influential in shaping public opinion, has the responsibility to uphold and defend democratic principles with bravery, clarity, and firm conviction.