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2019: Storm gathers for APC

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As reactions continue to trail Monday’s declaration by President Muhammadu Buhari that he would seek re-election in the 2019 general elections, there are indications that some chieftains of the All Progressives Congress (APC) would dump the ruling party ahead of the polls.

The looming defection, it was learnt, is because the President’s confirmation of his second term bid has foreclosed the ambitions of some APC chieftains also eyeing the party’s presidential ticket.

A party source, who disclosed this to our correspondent, said the presidential hopefuls, mostly outgoing governors of northern extraction and top ranking federal lawmakers, have to look elsewhere to realise their respective ambitions.

According to him, there is no doubt that presidential ambitions of these younger northern politicians in the APC have been buried because Buhari would have little or no opposition in picking the party’s ticket.

His words: “There is no doubt that the jostle for the APC presidential ticket is over because President Buhari will have had little or no opposition in picking the party’s ticket as it is certain that he will have had the right of first refusal as an incumbent.

“At the moment, he is the only person to have officially declared for the party’s ticket and it is unlikely that anyone else will do. And with the way the President had his way in the recent impasse over tenure elongation for members of the party’s National Working Committee (NWC), it is clear that he is now fully in control of the party structure.

“So, it is expected that anyone who has a presidential ambition within the party should look elsewhere as it will be foolhardy for anyone to face him at the primaries.”

The belief in some political quarters before now was that the President will not seek for re-election, given his health and age. He is 75 years and would be 76 by May 2019, when his first tenure elapses.

There was also an alleged agreement that the President would serve only one term to pave way for other interests in the party to have a shot at the presidency given that the APC is an amalgam of three major opposition parties – Congress for Progressives Change (CPC), Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), All Nigeria Peoples Party (ANPP) and a faction of the All Progressives Grand Alliance (APGA).

It was against this backdrop that some northern political leaders within the ruling party, at a time, started shopping for his replacement ahead of 2019, to avoid being caught napping.

Among those touted then were former Vice President Atiku Abubakar; Senate President Bukola Saraki; former Kano State governor, Rabiu Kwankwaso and Governors Kashim Shettima (Borno), Aminu Tambuwal (Sokoto), Abdulaziz Yari (Zamfara) and Nasri el-Rufai (Kaduna).

But Atiku left the ruling party for the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) in November last year, when it became clear, as some of the President’s supporters predicted, that he (Buhari) would be fit to re-contest in 2019.

The source, who confirmed that some of the APC presidential hopefuls will toe Atiku’s path, said: “There will be movements out of the APC in the days ahead. And the likely destination for those who would be leaving is the PDP. But the challenge some of them will face is whether the former ruling party will open its door to them given the way they dumped the party ahead of the 2015 elections, which contributed to the party’s loss of the presidency to the APC.”

He ruled out the option of the would-be defectors joining the third force being championed by for President Olusegun Obasanjo, saying the PDP provided a more veritable platform for anyone who intends to unseat the APC.

“Yes, those behind the third force have been mobilising Nigerians ahead of the 2019 elections, but it is likely that it won’t make any impact because you need a platform with structures across the country to defeat an incumbent government. This is where the PDP comes in. So, expect movements into the party any moment from now because no one can stop a sitting president like Buhari from picking the APC ticket.

“And one thing that the APC members are likely to cash in on is the PDP’s resolve to field a younger candidate in the 2019 presidential election. Some of them are young and fit into the calculation of the opposition party,” he said.

The source added that though some people in the presidency have dismissed the one-term deal allegedly entered into by Buhari, the PDP and ACN camps of the APC feel betrayed as they have to wait till 2023 before they can take a shot at the number one position as the CPC camp, which produced the president in 2015, is insisting on going for a second term.

(New Telegraph)

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My CFR National Honours Award

By COL ABUBAKAR D. UMAR (Rtd)

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CFR National Honours

When the President called to inform me of his decision to magnanimously confer on me the the National Award of Commander of the Federal Republic, CFR, on account of my much advertised role in the struggle for the validation of the June 12th election and affirmation of Chief MKO Abiola’s mandate, my first reaction was why only me and not all those unsung heroes.

Those officers and men who actively participated in that struggle, risking their careers and even lives.

Although I was one of the leaders of that movement within the military, my contribution was by no means bigger than theirs.

While I have been recognised and celebrated, including this National Honour by the President, they have remained anonymous.

It is therefore incumbent upon me to reveal the identity of these patriots if only to acknowledge and commend their contributions to the emergence of the current democratic dispensation.

The fact that Chief Abiola, the presumed winner of the June 12th election won over 80% of the Armed Forces votes, clearly demonstrated the contribution of the other members of the military. I should  add that this list is by no means exhaustive.

There are a lot more participants who have remained unknown to me since they served under others.

I apologise to all those whose names I must have missed. May God recognise and reward your sacrifice.

Top on my list is my deputy at the Armoured Corps Centre and School, Col MA Garba, whose commitment was so strong that he  continued with the execution of our plans after some of us were arrested, detained and mercifully retired in October, 1993. He went on, as he should, to attain the enviable rank of a Major General in the army. Others are:

Others are:

-Lt col Lawal Jaafaru Isa.

-Lt col UF Ahmed.

-Lt col MS Dasuki.

-Lt col ML Gwadabe.

-Lt col J. Temlong.

-Lt col Musa Shehu.

-Lt col Chris Eze.

-Lt col HM Dzarma.

-Lt col Isa Jibrin.

-Lt col JOS Oshanupin.

-Lt Col A Oloruntoba(kabiesi Olugbede of Gbede kingdom).

-Lt col Moke.

-Lt col Happy Bulus.

-Lt col Olagunsoye  Oyinlola.

-Col J Okai.

-Col E. Ndubueze.

-Lt col Yakubu Muazu.

-Lt col Yahaya Abubakar ( current Etsu Nupe).

-Major Saad Abubakar (current Sultan of Sokoto).

-Maj Abba Maimalari.

-Maj Jamil Tahir.

-Maj Buzugbe.

-Maj LP Aprezi.

-Maj MK Yake.

-Maj J Dawah.

-Maj Suleiman  Wali.

-Maj Dauda Komo.

-Maj Lucky Torrie.

-Maj JS Zaruwa.

-Maj M Sumaye.

-Maj Sani Bawa.

-Maj Ndaliman.

Maj Ahmed.

-Maj M Bawa.

-Lt col JB Ahmadu.

-Capt Junaid Bindawa.

-Capt Lar.

I therefore accept this award with all sense of humility on behalf of all these officers and men. Obviously, it goes without saying that this award will be doubly more meaningful if the democracy we all fought for delivers the real dividends.

This can happen only  if leaders at all levels govern with the fear of God and in accordance with the tenets of democracy.

It remains the hope and prayers of all patriots that nothing is done to derail this infant democracy.

To achieve the stability and progress of our democracy, leaders must prioritise good governance over politicking for self aggrandizement.

The three co-equal branches of government must operate independently while cooperating with each other.

One enduring lesson from the conduct of the officers and men is their decision to operate above sycophancy but to hold their superior officers to account.

Sadly, this does not appear to have a positive impact on our political leaders. Sycophancy everywhere has become the scourge of selfless and accountable leadership. It is the reason for the arrogance and vanity we see in our leaders at all levels. Men of straw are widely and falsely being elevated to the position of icons by self seeking sycophants.

Mr President must lead in a war against sycophancy in all its forms. This must allow for no exceptions including the rapidly growing trend of naming and renaming public institutions, facilities and other infrastructure after a President or State Governor while in office.

The other day, the Senate President was reported to have predicted that President Bola Tinubu will win the 2027 election with 99.9% of the votes! Even allowing for the fact that this Senate President is widely known for his humorous incitement, Mr President will do well to shun such oracles.

God bless Nigeria.

Abubakar Dangiwa Umar, Colonel (Rtd)

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Security Above Politics: Kogi Govt Hails Faleke

BY: SANDRA ANI

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Hon. James Abiodun Faleke

The Kogi State Government has commended Hon. James Abiodun Faleke, Member Representing Ikeja Federal Constituency in the House of Representatives, for his unbending commitment to the security and wellbeing of his home state, describing him as “a patriotic Kogite who leads by example.”

Faleke, an indigene of Kogi State, recently donated a brand-new Hilux patrol vehicle to support the operations of the newly commissioned Smart Police Divisional Headquarters in Ekinrin-Adde, Ijumu Local Government Area.

The high-tech facility which was facilitated by the Nigeria Police Trust Fund in its collaboration with the Government of Kogi State to ensure security at every corner of the state by modernizing and digitizing security operations in the state. 

Speaking with journalists on Sunday, the Kogi State Commissioner for Information and Communications, Kingsley Femi Fanwo, conveyed the appreciation of Governor Ahmed Usman Ododo to the federal lawmaker, stating that Hon. Faleke has demonstrated what it means to place security above politics and people’s well-being above personal ambition.

“The Government of Kogi State wishes to reecho the open commendation earlier given by His Excellency during the commissioning of the Smart Police Divisional Headquarters,” Fanwo said.

“As a Government, we appreciate the demonstrative contribution of Hon. James Faleke to the security architecture and infrastructure of the state. This is how to lead the people with emphasis on security above politics, patriotism above scheming with the lives of our people.”

Fanwo added that Hon. Faleke has played key underground roles in support of intelligence, logistics, and coordination with security agencies, working quietly but effectively with the State Government to ensure lives and property are better protected in  Kogi State.

The Commissioner expressed confidence that Faleke’s latest intervention would significantly strengthen security not only in Ijumu but across Okunland, Kogi West, and the entire state.

“This is one intervention that we are sure will improve the security of Ijumu, Okunland, Kogi West, and Kogi as a whole. This is how to make an impact without playing to the gallery. What the people need are concrete interventions that can save lives, not selfish arrangements that protect personal interests at the expense of the people.

“The people know those who are genuinely working for their security, those working closely with the State Government to achieve lasting peace in Kogi State. They also know those who are merely playing politics with the lives of the people.”

The Government urged political and business leaders of Kogi origin to emulate Hon. Faleke’s sense of responsibility and selfless service to the people.

“Hon. James Faleke has set an example for others to emulate. He has shown that the lives of his people matter. He is not doing all of these to protect a personal interest or his investment or the investment of his friends. He is doing it to protect the Kogi people, his people”, he said. 

Fanwo also disclosed that the Government is closely monitoring the activities of illegal miners and their collaborators, vowing that those compromising the security of the state through economic sabotage will face stiff consequences.

“We are aware of the activities of illegal miners and their enablers. Let it be known that the state will not tolerate any action that puts the lives of our people at risk. We are taking bold steps to ensure that criminal actors do not jeopardize the peace we are working hard to build.”

The Kogi State Government reaffirmed its commitment to partnering with patriotic stakeholders like Hon. James Faleke in its mission to secure every corner of the state and preserve the gains already made in law enforcement and public safety.

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The Intellectual Sins of June 12: A Reckoning with Nigeria’s Democratic Conscience

Article Written by Professor Ojo Emmanuel Ademola

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The Intellectual Sins of June 12
The Intellectual Sins of June 12

Every June 12, Nigeria observes a significant date that embodies both the aspirations for democracy and the painful betrayal of that dream. This day commemorates the 1993 presidential election, celebrated as the most free and fair in the country’s history but ultimately annulled by the military regime led by General Ibrahim Babangida.

While the focus has often been on the political and military figures involved, there has been less emphasis on the intellectual shortcomings that contributed to this democratic failure.

These shortcomings—the “intellectual sins” of June 12—include silence, complicity, and ideological failures that continue to impact Nigeria’s pursuit of democracy.

The Election That Could Have Changed Everything:

On June 12, 1993, Nigerians came together to vote for Chief Moshood Kashimawo Olawale (MKO) Abiola, a well-known southern Muslim celebrated for his wealth, philanthropy, and political acumen. His electoral victory was more than just a tally of votes; it became a powerful symbol of national unity and a collective longing for civilian governance following years of military rule.

The military’s annulment of the election results, based on vague security concerns and claims of irregularities, was profoundly disappointing. This decision was not merely a political manoeuvre; it represented a significant betrayal of the democratic values that the election was meant to uphold.

The Silence of the Intellectual Class:

One of the most troubling aspects of the June 12 crisis was the widespread silence—or, even worse, the rationalizations—by many in Nigeria’s intellectual elite. University professors, public commentators, and thought leaders, who should have served as the nation’s moral compass, largely failed to speak out against the annulment. Some even justified it, wrapping their arguments in legal jargon or appealing to national stability.

The silence in this situation was not neutral; it was an act of complicity. During times of national crisis, when the intelligentsia chooses to remain silent, this absence is not merely a lack of comment—it is an endorsement of the status quo. Nigeria’s intellectual class’s failure to provide a strong defence of democracy in 1993 highlighted a more profound issue: a lack of genuine commitment to democratic governance.

Ethnic Chauvinism and the Failure of National Integration:

The annulment highlighted the fragility of Nigeria’s national identity. Although Abiola had widespread appeal across the country, the decision to invalidate his victory was perceived mainly as influenced by northern political elites who were uneasy about a southern Muslim becoming president. This perception, whether accurate or not, strengthened the belief that Nigeria’s democracy is held captive by ethnic and regional interests.

Once again, the intellectual class fell short. Instead of confronting the ethnicization of politics, many scholars and commentators either overlooked it or contributed to it. The chance to use June 12 as a catalyst for national integration and civic nationalism was missed.

The Legal and Constitutional Vacuum:

The events of June 12 highlighted Nigeria’s fragile legal and constitutional framework. The annulment of the election exposed the country’s institutions as inadequate in preventing executive overreach and safeguarding the electoral process. At that time, there was a lack of an independent judiciary capable of contesting military actions, an ineffective legislature to oversee government activities, and a civil society that was not sufficiently strong to mobilize in response.

The Institutional weakness in Nigeria was not a coincidence; it stemmed from years of intellectual neglect. The country’s legal scholars, constitutional designers, and policy thinkers did not create a system robust enough to resist authoritarian tendencies. Consequently, the annulment of electoral processes directly resulted from this inadequacy.

The Myth of Transition Without Transformation:

The military’s commitment to transitioning Nigeria to civilian rule was fraught with inconsistencies. The annulment of the June 12 elections exposed the illusion that democratic governance could be realised without a fundamental change in the country’s political culture. The transition program itself was characterized by a top-down approach, a lack of transparency, and a focus on maintaining the interests of the elite.

Many intellectuals were drawn into the myth surrounding a purportedly democratic transition process. By actively participating in advisory roles, they inadvertently lent credibility to a system that lacked true democratic principles. Their failure to critically examine the underlying foundations of this transition program represents a significant intellectual oversight.

The Repetition of History:

The aftermath of June 12 has had lasting repercussions for Nigeria, as the country seems trapped in a cycle of repeating past mistakes. Key issues such as electoral malpractice, the dominance of elites over democratic institutions, and the suppression of dissent are still prevalent in the political landscape. Unfortunately, society has not fully grasped or embraced the vital lessons from June 12, indicating a failure to learn from history.

The recurring failures In Nigeria’s democracy highlight a deeper intellectual shortcoming, as there is a reluctance to engage in critical self-reflection and necessary institutional reform. It is simpler for leaders to honour June 12 through ceremonies and speeches rather than address the uncomfortable realities that emerge from this historical moment.

A Path to Redemption:

Nigeria needs to initiate a new democratic renaissance to address the intellectual shortcomings highlighted on June 12. This revival should focus on enhancing civic education, implementing institutional reforms, and reaffirming a strong commitment to democratic values.

1. Enhancing civic education within society is essential to ensuring the vitality of democracy. This involves prioritizing the teaching of democratic principles, critical thinking, and active citizenship in schools, universities, and media outlets. By doing so, citizens will become more aware of their rights and responsibilities, thus fostering a more engaged and informed populace.

2. Strengthen Institutions: A functioning democracy requires that the judiciary, electoral commission, and legislature operate without political interference. Achieving this necessitates legal reforms and a significant cultural shift in how power is exercised and contested within society.

3. Empower a New Generation of Public Intellectuals: Nigeria requires independent thinkers who prioritize democratic values over ethnic or political affiliations. These intellectuals should courageously challenge authority and advocate for democratic principles, unafraid of potential repercussions.

4. Confront the Past Honestly: The June 12 crisis serves as an important historical event that should be incorporated into school curricula and discussed in public forums. It carries significant moral lessons that are essential for understanding the past. By acknowledging and confronting this history, Nigeria can work towards establishing a more just and democratic future.

Conclusion: Democracy as a Moral Imperative

June 12 serves as a powerful reminder of Nigeria’s complex democratic journey, highlighting both its potential and challenges. Rather than merely marking the date with hollow statements, engaging in a genuine reflection on the past is essential. The mistakes of that time—characterized by silence, complicity, and ideological failures—should not be repeated. As we honour this day, we must recommit ourselves to the ideals embodied by Abiola’s victory, including justice, unity, and the empowerment of the people.

Democracy transcends being merely a system of governance; it is fundamentally a moral obligation. Every citizen, particularly those influential in shaping public opinion, has the responsibility to uphold and defend democratic principles with bravery, clarity, and firm conviction.

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