GRPolitics
Confusion in PDP over Tambuwal


The opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) may be hit by another crisis ahead of the 2019 elections.
The threat to party peace stems from alleged plan by some powerful forces to hand over the PDP presidential ticket to Governor Aminu Waziri Tambuwal of Sokoto State.
Tambuwal is currently in the All Progressives Congress (APC) but he is being wooed by Governor Nyesom Wike of Rivers State and some other PDP governors to return to the party he dumped ahead of the 2015 elections.
Also pushing for the Sokoto governor’s candidature is a prominent traditional ruler in the North, party sources told The Nation yesterday.
Simultaneously, the Coalition for Nigeria Movement (CNM) appears to be narrowing its choice of presidential candidate in next year’s election to one of the three ex-governors it is currently wooing as a possible replacement for President Muhammadu Buhari.
Ex-governors Rabiu Kwankwaso (Kano), Sule Lamido (Jigawa), and Ibrahim Shekarau (Kano) like Buhari, are all from the North-West geo-political zone.
The Nation gathered authoritatively that their names feature prominently in ongoing consultations by CNM bigwigs.
But there is a condition: any of them seeking the Olusegun Obasanjo-inspired coalition’s support must first identify with it publicly.
Wike, fresh from installing Prince Uche Secondus as party chairman despite vehement opposition from the likes of former Military President Ibrahim Babangida and ex-President Goodluck Jonathan, is said to have drawn the ire of Jonathan and many of his supporters for promoting Tambuwal’s presidential ambition in PDP.
Party sources said the anti-Tambuwal elements are uncomfortable with him in view of the role he played in the loss of power by the PDP in 2015, especially the defeat of Jonathan.
The Jonathan associates and some PDP governors have vowed to stop Tambuwal’s bid to secure the PDP presidential ticket.
Tambuwal was Speaker of the House of Representatives under Jonathan and his defection from the PDP to the then newly formed APC laid the foundation for the defeat of the PDP in the 2015 polls.
Party sources also said he might return to the party on the basis of an alleged unwritten agreement between him and Wike.
He is the only APC governor that has not yet identified with the 2019 re-election bid of President Muhammadu Buhari.
A source conversant with the ongoing intrigues said: “Jonathan’s associates and some PDP governors are not comfortable with Tambuwal for betraying the party to pave the way for the victory of APC and President Muhammadu Buhari in 2015
“They believe that, as the Speaker of the House of Representatives, he was used by the defunct Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN ) to destabilize the PDP, giving the ACN control of the House from 2011 to 2015
“They accused Tambuwal of working for ACN and later joining APC to fight Jonathan. Jonathan’s kinsmen and his associates have not forgotten the role he played in bringing down their man. To that extent, the ex-president’s camp sees Tambuwal as a hard sell in the South-South, particularly in Bayelsa, Delta and Rivers states.
“Some PDP governors and leaders believe he will also be difficult to sell in the South-West because of the role he played in the defeat of Hon. Femi Gbajabiamila in the Speakership race in 2015. Whereas the South-West supported him to become the Speaker by defeating Hon. Mulikat Adeola from Oyo State in 2015, he was implicated in working against Gbajabiamila, who was the zone’s choice for Speaker in 2015.
“Some PDP governors also believe that Tambuwal will be no match for Buhari in the north since his major political platform belongs to ex-Governor Aliyu Wammako who APC and strategists of Buhari are lobbying to remain in the ruling party.
“Wammakko, politically known as ‘Alu’, may prefer to return to the Senate on the ticket of APC as long as he can be allowed to single-handedly pick a successor to Tambuwal to consolidate his political base.”
But a PDP source said: “With Wike’s backing, Tambuwal may get the ticket. I think those making a strong case for Tambuwal have gone far on this project to be underrated.
“If Jonathan and his associates can be cut to size during the National Convention of PDP, Wike and others can have their way on Tambuwal.
“The aftermath in PDP might affect the chances of the party in 2019 because those in favour of the former Interim National Chairman of the party, Sen. Ahmed Makarfi as the preferred candidate for the party’s presidential mandate may cause an upset. Adopting Tambuwal will amount to abandoning the agreement with Makarfi by PDP governors to make him the party’s presidential candidate.
“I think a member of the Interim Caretaker Committee saw this coming when he advised Makarfi to seek a firm commitment from Wike and others. Makarfi preferred to have trust in these governors.
“Whatever it is, it is just a matter of when Tambuwal, who pulled the strings behind the scene during PDP convention, will move to PDP.
“Realising the danger of APC plot against him, Tambuwal has gone on the fast lane by winning prominent Emirs to his side and reconciling with the likes of ex-Governor Attahiru Bafarawa. This was what accounted for the enlargement of his cabinet to 25 on February 5. He also pulled the rug from under Wammako’s feet by appointing his younger brother, Ahmed Barade Wamakko as Commissioner for Social Welfare.
“Also, the anti-Tambuwal elements in PDP and APC are not relenting. For instance, the alleged hounding of Prince Kassim Afegbua, who is the spokesman of Babangida, by security agencies might have been more about his role as a political strategist of Tambuwal than the ex-Military President.”
Notwithstanding, it was learnt that some PDP governors are considering Governor Ibrahim Dankwambo.
A third source said: “These governors say Dankwambo is young, well educated, urbane, cosmopolitan with less baggage. He was in Asaba last week when the governors met with the Secondus-led executives. He is also very close to Governor Ayo Fayose
“Their worry is whether or not he has the stature to defeat Buhari.”
Another PDP source added: “Dankwambo is too close to Governor Nasir el-Rufai for comfort. We are suspecting that APC is propping him up as a weak candidate to make it an easy ride for Buhari. We know their game plan.”
Investigation by our correspondent on Obasanjo’s CNM revealed that contrary to claims by the former president that he has no preferred candidate for the 2019 presidential race, the coalition may make strong recommendations on some candidates for Nigerians to vote for.
A source in the group however said that whatever action taken by it will be guided by utmost caution to avoid acts capable of derailing its plans to “ease out Buhari” at all cost.
“Whatever may be the pretence by ex-President Obasanjo, the ultimate target of CNM is to get a replacement for Buhari in 2019,” the source said.
“The group may recommend any of the three former governors from the North-West as being capable of replacing Buhari.
“The three leaders are Rabiu Kwankwaso, Sule Lamido, and Ibrahim Shekarau who are all from the North-West like Buhari.
“I think a major challenge of CNM is how to work to the answer in 2019 on any of these three presidential aspirants.
“This is why CNM, through Obasanjo, is opening talks with top politicians from the six geopolitical zones.”
But the group is still working on the platform it will use to actualize its plan to replace Buhari.
“The choice of platform is a challenge,” the source explained.
He added: “PDP is the strongest opposition party which Obasanjo does not want to associate with in order not to return to his vomit having torn his membership card.
“The CNM is trying to recommend a merger of PDP and other parties with a new name to be able to push its agenda for any of Kwankwaso, Lamido and Shekarau.”
The CNM believes it has made a substantial inroad into the National Assembly as one of the institutions to promote the anti-Buhari agenda.
Continuing, the source said: “The CNM has been implicated in a romance with some Senators and members of the House of Representatives which led to the reversal of INEC’s Order of Elections in 2019.
“Nigerians should expect more radical resolutions from the National Assembly which can promote the coalition’s plans against Buhari and the All Progressives Congress (APC).”
Analysts however see Obasanjo’s motive as selfish and playing gambling with Nigerians.
One analyst asked: is it his birth right to choose president for us? He imposed Yar’Adua, Jonathan, now he is scheming to impose on us the next President. He must be stopped.
“On Wednesday, Obasanjo insisted that CNM would remain a socio-political movement.
“He said he would cease to be a member if the coalition becomes partisan.
“He said: ‘In the year 2015, I said I would no longer participate in partisan politics. And I still stand by my decision. Everybody, irrespective of his or her political affiliation is free to come here for advice, I will gladly do that. I have no candidate, whatsoever, for any political office. I just believe that things must be done differently in Nigeria to get different result.’
. Nation


When the President called to inform me of his decision to magnanimously confer on me the the National Award of Commander of the Federal Republic, CFR, on account of my much advertised role in the struggle for the validation of the June 12th election and affirmation of Chief MKO Abiola’s mandate, my first reaction was why only me and not all those unsung heroes.
Those officers and men who actively participated in that struggle, risking their careers and even lives.
Although I was one of the leaders of that movement within the military, my contribution was by no means bigger than theirs.
While I have been recognised and celebrated, including this National Honour by the President, they have remained anonymous.
It is therefore incumbent upon me to reveal the identity of these patriots if only to acknowledge and commend their contributions to the emergence of the current democratic dispensation.
The fact that Chief Abiola, the presumed winner of the June 12th election won over 80% of the Armed Forces votes, clearly demonstrated the contribution of the other members of the military. I should add that this list is by no means exhaustive.
There are a lot more participants who have remained unknown to me since they served under others.
I apologise to all those whose names I must have missed. May God recognise and reward your sacrifice.
Top on my list is my deputy at the Armoured Corps Centre and School, Col MA Garba, whose commitment was so strong that he continued with the execution of our plans after some of us were arrested, detained and mercifully retired in October, 1993. He went on, as he should, to attain the enviable rank of a Major General in the army. Others are:
Others are:
-Lt col Lawal Jaafaru Isa.
-Lt col UF Ahmed.
-Lt col MS Dasuki.
-Lt col ML Gwadabe.
-Lt col J. Temlong.
-Lt col Musa Shehu.
-Lt col Chris Eze.
-Lt col HM Dzarma.
-Lt col Isa Jibrin.
-Lt col JOS Oshanupin.
-Lt Col A Oloruntoba(kabiesi Olugbede of Gbede kingdom).
-Lt col Moke.
-Lt col Happy Bulus.
-Lt col Olagunsoye Oyinlola.
-Col J Okai.
-Col E. Ndubueze.
-Lt col Yakubu Muazu.
-Lt col Yahaya Abubakar ( current Etsu Nupe).
-Major Saad Abubakar (current Sultan of Sokoto).
-Maj Abba Maimalari.
-Maj Jamil Tahir.
-Maj Buzugbe.
-Maj LP Aprezi.
-Maj MK Yake.
-Maj J Dawah.
-Maj Suleiman Wali.
-Maj Dauda Komo.
-Maj Lucky Torrie.
-Maj JS Zaruwa.
-Maj M Sumaye.
-Maj Sani Bawa.
-Maj Ndaliman.
Maj Ahmed.
-Maj M Bawa.
-Lt col JB Ahmadu.
-Capt Junaid Bindawa.
-Capt Lar.
I therefore accept this award with all sense of humility on behalf of all these officers and men. Obviously, it goes without saying that this award will be doubly more meaningful if the democracy we all fought for delivers the real dividends.
This can happen only if leaders at all levels govern with the fear of God and in accordance with the tenets of democracy.
It remains the hope and prayers of all patriots that nothing is done to derail this infant democracy.
To achieve the stability and progress of our democracy, leaders must prioritise good governance over politicking for self aggrandizement.
The three co-equal branches of government must operate independently while cooperating with each other.
One enduring lesson from the conduct of the officers and men is their decision to operate above sycophancy but to hold their superior officers to account.
Sadly, this does not appear to have a positive impact on our political leaders. Sycophancy everywhere has become the scourge of selfless and accountable leadership. It is the reason for the arrogance and vanity we see in our leaders at all levels. Men of straw are widely and falsely being elevated to the position of icons by self seeking sycophants.
Mr President must lead in a war against sycophancy in all its forms. This must allow for no exceptions including the rapidly growing trend of naming and renaming public institutions, facilities and other infrastructure after a President or State Governor while in office.
The other day, the Senate President was reported to have predicted that President Bola Tinubu will win the 2027 election with 99.9% of the votes! Even allowing for the fact that this Senate President is widely known for his humorous incitement, Mr President will do well to shun such oracles.
God bless Nigeria.
Abubakar Dangiwa Umar, Colonel (Rtd)


The Kogi State Government has commended Hon. James Abiodun Faleke, Member Representing Ikeja Federal Constituency in the House of Representatives, for his unbending commitment to the security and wellbeing of his home state, describing him as “a patriotic Kogite who leads by example.”
Faleke, an indigene of Kogi State, recently donated a brand-new Hilux patrol vehicle to support the operations of the newly commissioned Smart Police Divisional Headquarters in Ekinrin-Adde, Ijumu Local Government Area.
The high-tech facility which was facilitated by the Nigeria Police Trust Fund in its collaboration with the Government of Kogi State to ensure security at every corner of the state by modernizing and digitizing security operations in the state.
Speaking with journalists on Sunday, the Kogi State Commissioner for Information and Communications, Kingsley Femi Fanwo, conveyed the appreciation of Governor Ahmed Usman Ododo to the federal lawmaker, stating that Hon. Faleke has demonstrated what it means to place security above politics and people’s well-being above personal ambition.
“The Government of Kogi State wishes to reecho the open commendation earlier given by His Excellency during the commissioning of the Smart Police Divisional Headquarters,” Fanwo said.
“As a Government, we appreciate the demonstrative contribution of Hon. James Faleke to the security architecture and infrastructure of the state. This is how to lead the people with emphasis on security above politics, patriotism above scheming with the lives of our people.”
Fanwo added that Hon. Faleke has played key underground roles in support of intelligence, logistics, and coordination with security agencies, working quietly but effectively with the State Government to ensure lives and property are better protected in Kogi State.
The Commissioner expressed confidence that Faleke’s latest intervention would significantly strengthen security not only in Ijumu but across Okunland, Kogi West, and the entire state.
“This is one intervention that we are sure will improve the security of Ijumu, Okunland, Kogi West, and Kogi as a whole. This is how to make an impact without playing to the gallery. What the people need are concrete interventions that can save lives, not selfish arrangements that protect personal interests at the expense of the people.
“The people know those who are genuinely working for their security, those working closely with the State Government to achieve lasting peace in Kogi State. They also know those who are merely playing politics with the lives of the people.”
The Government urged political and business leaders of Kogi origin to emulate Hon. Faleke’s sense of responsibility and selfless service to the people.
“Hon. James Faleke has set an example for others to emulate. He has shown that the lives of his people matter. He is not doing all of these to protect a personal interest or his investment or the investment of his friends. He is doing it to protect the Kogi people, his people”, he said.
Fanwo also disclosed that the Government is closely monitoring the activities of illegal miners and their collaborators, vowing that those compromising the security of the state through economic sabotage will face stiff consequences.
“We are aware of the activities of illegal miners and their enablers. Let it be known that the state will not tolerate any action that puts the lives of our people at risk. We are taking bold steps to ensure that criminal actors do not jeopardize the peace we are working hard to build.”
The Kogi State Government reaffirmed its commitment to partnering with patriotic stakeholders like Hon. James Faleke in its mission to secure every corner of the state and preserve the gains already made in law enforcement and public safety.
GRPolitics
The Intellectual Sins of June 12: A Reckoning with Nigeria’s Democratic Conscience
Article Written by Professor Ojo Emmanuel Ademola


Every June 12, Nigeria observes a significant date that embodies both the aspirations for democracy and the painful betrayal of that dream. This day commemorates the 1993 presidential election, celebrated as the most free and fair in the country’s history but ultimately annulled by the military regime led by General Ibrahim Babangida.
While the focus has often been on the political and military figures involved, there has been less emphasis on the intellectual shortcomings that contributed to this democratic failure.
These shortcomings—the “intellectual sins” of June 12—include silence, complicity, and ideological failures that continue to impact Nigeria’s pursuit of democracy.
The Election That Could Have Changed Everything:
On June 12, 1993, Nigerians came together to vote for Chief Moshood Kashimawo Olawale (MKO) Abiola, a well-known southern Muslim celebrated for his wealth, philanthropy, and political acumen. His electoral victory was more than just a tally of votes; it became a powerful symbol of national unity and a collective longing for civilian governance following years of military rule.
The military’s annulment of the election results, based on vague security concerns and claims of irregularities, was profoundly disappointing. This decision was not merely a political manoeuvre; it represented a significant betrayal of the democratic values that the election was meant to uphold.
The Silence of the Intellectual Class:
One of the most troubling aspects of the June 12 crisis was the widespread silence—or, even worse, the rationalizations—by many in Nigeria’s intellectual elite. University professors, public commentators, and thought leaders, who should have served as the nation’s moral compass, largely failed to speak out against the annulment. Some even justified it, wrapping their arguments in legal jargon or appealing to national stability.
The silence in this situation was not neutral; it was an act of complicity. During times of national crisis, when the intelligentsia chooses to remain silent, this absence is not merely a lack of comment—it is an endorsement of the status quo. Nigeria’s intellectual class’s failure to provide a strong defence of democracy in 1993 highlighted a more profound issue: a lack of genuine commitment to democratic governance.
Ethnic Chauvinism and the Failure of National Integration:
The annulment highlighted the fragility of Nigeria’s national identity. Although Abiola had widespread appeal across the country, the decision to invalidate his victory was perceived mainly as influenced by northern political elites who were uneasy about a southern Muslim becoming president. This perception, whether accurate or not, strengthened the belief that Nigeria’s democracy is held captive by ethnic and regional interests.
Once again, the intellectual class fell short. Instead of confronting the ethnicization of politics, many scholars and commentators either overlooked it or contributed to it. The chance to use June 12 as a catalyst for national integration and civic nationalism was missed.
The Legal and Constitutional Vacuum:
The events of June 12 highlighted Nigeria’s fragile legal and constitutional framework. The annulment of the election exposed the country’s institutions as inadequate in preventing executive overreach and safeguarding the electoral process. At that time, there was a lack of an independent judiciary capable of contesting military actions, an ineffective legislature to oversee government activities, and a civil society that was not sufficiently strong to mobilize in response.
The Institutional weakness in Nigeria was not a coincidence; it stemmed from years of intellectual neglect. The country’s legal scholars, constitutional designers, and policy thinkers did not create a system robust enough to resist authoritarian tendencies. Consequently, the annulment of electoral processes directly resulted from this inadequacy.
The Myth of Transition Without Transformation:
The military’s commitment to transitioning Nigeria to civilian rule was fraught with inconsistencies. The annulment of the June 12 elections exposed the illusion that democratic governance could be realised without a fundamental change in the country’s political culture. The transition program itself was characterized by a top-down approach, a lack of transparency, and a focus on maintaining the interests of the elite.
Many intellectuals were drawn into the myth surrounding a purportedly democratic transition process. By actively participating in advisory roles, they inadvertently lent credibility to a system that lacked true democratic principles. Their failure to critically examine the underlying foundations of this transition program represents a significant intellectual oversight.
The Repetition of History:
The aftermath of June 12 has had lasting repercussions for Nigeria, as the country seems trapped in a cycle of repeating past mistakes. Key issues such as electoral malpractice, the dominance of elites over democratic institutions, and the suppression of dissent are still prevalent in the political landscape. Unfortunately, society has not fully grasped or embraced the vital lessons from June 12, indicating a failure to learn from history.
The recurring failures In Nigeria’s democracy highlight a deeper intellectual shortcoming, as there is a reluctance to engage in critical self-reflection and necessary institutional reform. It is simpler for leaders to honour June 12 through ceremonies and speeches rather than address the uncomfortable realities that emerge from this historical moment.
A Path to Redemption:
Nigeria needs to initiate a new democratic renaissance to address the intellectual shortcomings highlighted on June 12. This revival should focus on enhancing civic education, implementing institutional reforms, and reaffirming a strong commitment to democratic values.
1. Enhancing civic education within society is essential to ensuring the vitality of democracy. This involves prioritizing the teaching of democratic principles, critical thinking, and active citizenship in schools, universities, and media outlets. By doing so, citizens will become more aware of their rights and responsibilities, thus fostering a more engaged and informed populace.
2. Strengthen Institutions: A functioning democracy requires that the judiciary, electoral commission, and legislature operate without political interference. Achieving this necessitates legal reforms and a significant cultural shift in how power is exercised and contested within society.
3. Empower a New Generation of Public Intellectuals: Nigeria requires independent thinkers who prioritize democratic values over ethnic or political affiliations. These intellectuals should courageously challenge authority and advocate for democratic principles, unafraid of potential repercussions.
4. Confront the Past Honestly: The June 12 crisis serves as an important historical event that should be incorporated into school curricula and discussed in public forums. It carries significant moral lessons that are essential for understanding the past. By acknowledging and confronting this history, Nigeria can work towards establishing a more just and democratic future.
Conclusion: Democracy as a Moral Imperative
June 12 serves as a powerful reminder of Nigeria’s complex democratic journey, highlighting both its potential and challenges. Rather than merely marking the date with hollow statements, engaging in a genuine reflection on the past is essential. The mistakes of that time—characterized by silence, complicity, and ideological failures—should not be repeated. As we honour this day, we must recommit ourselves to the ideals embodied by Abiola’s victory, including justice, unity, and the empowerment of the people.
Democracy transcends being merely a system of governance; it is fundamentally a moral obligation. Every citizen, particularly those influential in shaping public opinion, has the responsibility to uphold and defend democratic principles with bravery, clarity, and firm conviction.