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Intersociety accuses Nigerian Army of massacred 150 pro-Biafra activists, covered up


Frontline rights group, the International Society for Civil Liberties & the Rule of Law (Intersociety) on Monday accused the Nigerian Army of illegally killing about 150 pro-Biafra activists. It alleged that the crime was committed last year and covered up under the blanket of Operation Python Dance II.
The allegation was contained in a statement signed by Intersociety Board Chairman, Emeka Umeagbalasi, and Head, Civil Liberties & Rule of Law Programme, Barr Obianuju Joy Igboeli.
The statement released from the group’s head office in Onitsha, Anambra State, reads: “The combined authorities of the Nigerian Army and the Nigerian Air Force are responsible for killing of no fewer than 456 defenseless and unarmed citizens of the country in 2017 alone. The killings included jet-bombing of no fewer than 236 Christian IDPs at Rann IDP camp in Kale-Balge LGA of Borno State on 17th January 2017.
“There were also no fewer than 20 supporters of Biafra Indigenous People, shot and killed by soldiers at pro Trump Rally in Port Harcourt on 20th January 2017; no fewer than 50 rural Christians bombed to death in Numan, Adamawa State on 4th December 2017; and no fewer than 150 mainly supporters of Biafra Indigenous People killed on 12th, 13th and 14th of September 2017 in Afara-Ukwu, near Umuahia (105 deaths), Isiala-Ngwa (20 deaths) and Aba (25 deaths). Over 100 unarmed and defenseless others were also shot and wounded particularly in Afara-Ukwu; which witnessed the highest number of injuries and Aba with the second highest number of injuries.
“In 2016, the Nigerian Army, joined by Nigeria Police Force and other security agencies killed no fewer than 200 pro Biafra activists in Aba on 18th and 29th of January and 9th of February (60 deaths including 16 slain bodies dumped in two burrow pits and over ten recovered slain bodies) and 29th and 30th of May 2016 at Nkpor, Onitsha and Asaba (140 deaths with only about 15% bodies of the slain recovered and buried by their families).
“In 2015, the Nigerian Army, joined by Nigeria Police Force and other security agencies killed no fewer than 50 unarmed pro Biafra campaigners. They were killed at Awka and Onitsha on 30th August; again in Onitsha and Aba on 2nd December and lastly for the year in Onitsha on 17th December at Niger Bridgehead. Out of no fewer than ten killed in Aba on 2nd December 2015 along Aba-Port Harcourt Road, five slain bodies were later dumped inside a burrow pit.
“The remaining number of deaths associated with army massacre of pro Biafra Campaigners came from other violent crackdowns that greeted their street protests between 2015 and 2016 in Asaba-Delta State, Enugu-Enugu State, Abakiliki and environs-Ebonyi State, Yanogoa-Bayelsa State, Port Harcourt-Rivers State and Uyo-Akwa Ibom State. There are also unreported others technically classified as dark and grey figures of crimes. In the above highlighted massacre operations, no fewer than 500 were shot and maimed with some crippled for life and a number of others died from injuries sustained.
“The Nigerian Army is also responsible for killing between 12th and 14th of December 2015; of no fewer than 1000 members of Islamic Movement in Nigeria or IMN. The killings took place in Zaria, Kaduna State during the annual sacred procession of the sect. Subsequent killing by security forces in 2016 and above; of the unarmed Islamic sect members also led to no fewer than 120 deaths.
“There are also other military killings resulting from custody related deaths in Northeast Nigeria. These deaths perpetrated in conflict environment and outside military necessity, clearly constitute war crimes. They include torture-deaths (including starvation and malnutrition) in army detention centers involving hundreds of civilians including new born and others aged not above five. Among such deaths were 240 deaths recorded in the Giwa Military Barracks in 2016 in Borno State. Statistics relating to these custodial deaths are contained in the reports of Amnesty Int’l including its 2016/2017 and 2018 reports on Nigeria.
“In all, through illegitimate use of force and its crudity or regime violence, the Nigerian Army, joined by Nigeria Police Force, Nigerian Air Force and other security agencies are responsible for no fewer than 2,150 killings between June 2015 and September 2017. These did not include police custody and torture related deaths which have intensified and risen to national monthly average death of 250 uninvestigated and unprocessed arrested and detained citizens; with yearly average of 3,000. “That is to say that Nigeria Police Force may most likely have killed as much as 9,000 uninvestigated and unprocessed detained citizens since mid-2015. The victims are those arrested and taken into police from where they are tortured to death or shot and killed outside the law. The authorities of the Nigeria Police Force usually refer to them as “slain armed robbers and kidnappers shot in gun duels or via attempted custodial escapees”.
“Massacre of 150 Pro Biafra Activists & Ors In Abia During Army Python Dance II
“From our findings following several months of investigation, no fewer than 150 pro Biafra activists and other defenseless members of the public were killed by the Nigerian Army; with 70% of the deaths arising from Afara-Ukwu massacre. In the Afara-Ukwu massacre of 14th September 2017, no fewer than 105 deaths were recorded.
“No fewer than 20 deaths were also recorded at Isiala-Ngwa Army Checkpoint, while 25 others occurred in Aba. The Army massacre operation in Afara-Ukwu; which commenced around 3.26pm of 14th September 2017, resulting in the death of not less than 105 citizens, was executed in less than three hours during which no fewer than 70 others were shot and injured. No single soldier lost his life in the operation. Sixty (60) unarmed citizens including survivors of the massacre and other members of the public were also arrested during and after the massacre and arraigned at Umuahia Magistrate Court on “terrorism charges”. They were later reminded at Aba Prison Custody.
“As it has become the atrocious practice of the Nigerian Army military since mid-2015, approximately 80% of the bodies of those shot and killed in Afara-Ukwu, Isiala-Ngwa and Aba were taken away and dumped in undisclosed locations till date. For instance, days after the Afara-Ukwu massacre, corpses numbering eight were found inside a bush at a location in Umuahia. The dumped dead bodies later identified as supporters of Biafra Indigenous People and its leader, Mr. Nnamdi Kanu by their survivor-colleagues; had their hands tied behind their back with a meter-length of marine rope; technically suggesting that they were arrested alive and later taken inside the bush where they were executed en masse; possibly after being forced by soldiers to bury their slain colleagues at blue law hours.
“The corpses possibly buried under duress by their latter-slain colleagues must have been those picked by soldiers at the scene of the Afara-Ukwu massacre; after which the eight executed citizens were commanded while alive to evacuate them to designated hidden locations inside the bush and in late night hours. The eight executed victims may most likely have been shot dead on the spot so as to cover up and erase traces.
“Our long investigation covered forensic or expert interviews and documentations of survivors, field investigation assistants, relatives of the slain and other key witnesses. Some of the verified facts of those interviewed are deposed before various High Courts of Justice in Nigeria as affidavits of facts. Burial posters, photos and video coverage of some of the recovered corpses were carefully studied and analysed using ICT powered video and photo authentication applications
“Some photos of the slain members were also taken from morgues where they were deposited. The army torture video taken at Isiala-Ngwa Army Checkpoint was re-studied and two corpses of those killed at the scene and dumped by the roadside clearly shown in the video were traced and identified. One of them, Ifeanyichukwu (Ifechukwu) Agbayisi was later in the day of 12th September 2017 dumped at King OO Jerry Mortuary, Isiala-Ngwa, from where he was retrieved by his family and later buried in his hometown in Anambra State on 19th October 2017.
“As at date, we have identified and investigated 19 names of the Army Abia massacre; out of which bodies of 16 of them have been interred by the families with remaining three being among 120 others taken away by soldiers till date. More names are being compiled and awaited by Intersociety and other concerned rights groups within and outside Nigeria.
“Fears of military and other security reprisals including late night raids and arrests have also forced many families of the slain victims to refuse to publicly declare their beloved ones as “missing persons” since 2015. For instance, out of 450 slain pro Biafra activists killed since August 2015; derived from witnesses’ accounts, we have been able to identify at least 100 names. More details including statistics and other public friendly information in connection with Army Python Dance II massacre in Abia will be featured in the second part of this technical report to be released in few coming days
“Therefore, it is fact that till date, most Nigerians and members of the int’l community are not aware or bereft of detailed statistics on what actually transpired in Abia State in September 2017 during the so called “Nigerian Army Python Dance II”. It is an incontrovertible fact that the massacre operation was deceptively launched in the Southeast but it was solely targeted at Abia State on account of nonviolent activities of some leading pro Biafra movements including Biafra Indigenous People and its leader, Mr. Nnamdi Kanu.
“By the findings of this organisation resulting from detailed investigation; the Nigerian Army’s “Operation Python Dance 11” was a huge cover up and a disguised excuse to unleash State violence on defenseless People of Southeast and extend the present central Government’s hate policy against the Igbo Race using physical violence.
“Appeared to be a presidential death warrant against the target population or kill the pigs operation; the Nigerian Army hurriedly disguised it as army python dance 11 as a cover or to mechanically legitimise it. Analytically speaking, it was most likely the intelligence sent to the Defense Headquarters on shocking casualty figures arising from the Afaraukwu massacre or at Nnamdi Kanu’s home that forced the Defense Headquarters to hurriedly declare retroactively and unconstitutionally the victims and their group as a “terror group designate” on 15th September 2017; culminating into formal declaration of same as terror group two days later by President Muhammadu Buhari. It is most likely correct that Mr. President was fully briefed on “accomplishment of the mission sent” as the C-in-C; leading to his blue law day proclamation.
“The hurriedly and retroactively presidential proclamation was done on a national day of the blue law or non-public office working day being Sunday, 17th September 2017. The declaration was solely designed to retroactively legitimise the mass murder so as to cover up the regime atrocity and escape accountability. To make the matter worse, further hurried steps were made; leading to fetching a core pro establishment judge, who was struggling to be confirmed as the substantive Chief Judge of the Federal High Court to hurriedly issued a coffee tea table order proscribing the victim group after massacring their unarmed and defenseless members for no just cause.
“By Section 36 (8) of the existing 1999 Constitution of Nigeria, no person shall be held to be guilty of a criminal offence on account of any act or omission, that did not at the time it took place, constitute such an offence, and no penalty shall be imposed for any criminal offence heavier than the penalty in force at the time the offence was committed. That is to say that the Nigerian Army acting on the order of its C-in-C and COAS, supervised and carried out a massacre operation on 12th, 13th and 14thSeptember 2017 and got its same C-in-C to label through a blue law day proclamation the victims and their group as “a terror organization”.
“Also there is nowhere in the Constitution or any other recognised law of Nigeria including the African Rights Charter (Ratification & Enforcement Act, Cap A9) Laws of the Federation 2004, Access to Criminal Justice Act of 2015 or Criminal Code Act of 2004 that empowers Mr. President of Nigeria or Chief of Army Staff or Chief of Defense Staff or any supervising security or defense or policing minister or adviser to order for and supervise the opening of fire on innocent and unarmed citizens or defenseless others that gathered or quarantined in a place for non-armed resistance purposes or members of a population trading or working in their places of work or those who retired to bed to sleep.
“By Section 33 of the existing 1999 Constitution and the African Rights Charter Law of the Federation, no such atrocious act by any public office holder in Nigeria is permitted. This is also the first time in the history of modern world and democracy unarmed and defenseless nonviolent self determination campaigners and their group; with no traces or records of organized violence or armed resistance or attacks; are presidentially and judicially proclaimed “a terrorist organization”.
“Our findings also indicate that the military attacks on Nnamdi Kanu’s father’s royal palace on 14th September 2017 as well as those of Isiala-Ngwa and Aba on 12th, 13th and 14th September 2017 were totally a deliberate provocative act; without any form of resistance from the victims or their group. For instance, it is our further finding that the gathering of over two thousands supporters of Biafra Indigenous People at their leader’s Afaraukwu home was strictly a vigil and camping activity; only for Nigerian Army to storm the Palace at about 3.26pm on the said 14th September and opened fire at the defenseless and unarmed crowd; killing no fewer than 105 defenseless citizens and injuring over 70 others.
“Same was the case at Isiala-Ngwa Army checkpoint where soldiers blocked and barricaded commuters traveling to Umuahia and Enugu including supporters of Biafra Indigenous People visiting their leader at Afara-Ukwu near Umuahia. Scores of pro Biafra supporters and others have had their commuter buses and cars grounded; leading to mass arrest and torture including drowning them inside nearby mud water and forcing them to drink same. No fewer than 20 of them; mainly pro Biafra activists were shot and killed at the Checkpoint. Most of them were killed on 12th September 2017. Other pro Biafra supporters traveling to Umuahia on 14th September dodged the Checkpoint and followed other safer routes following shocking reports of killing of their members two days back.
“The case of Aba was not different. As a matter of fact, scores of those shot and killed in Aba had nothing to do with pro Biafra campaigns. Some were dragged out of their sleeping bed in the late night of 13th and early hours of 14th September 2017 and shot dead; after which their bodies were taken away by the soldiers. Some of those that ran out of their homes following late night raids in their areas as well as others that left their homes in the early morning of 14th September to do their early morning businesses were also spotted and shot dead.
“A number of 25 defenseless citizens that lost their lives in Aba alone were killed in front and around their places of work or business premises or the way to their trading and hawking businesses. Areas of Aba affected by soldiers’ late night and early hours’ raids of 13th and 14th September 2017 are residents of Ariaria, Umuode, Osisioma, Power Line and Abayi.” (NewsExpress)
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PRCAN Mourns the Passing of NIPR Council Member, Bashir Chedi


The Public Relations Consultants Association of Nigeria (PRCAN) has received with deep shock and sadness the news of the passing of Mallam Bashir Chedi, a distinguished member of the Council of the Nigerian Institute of Public Relations (NIPR), who died at the age of 65.
In a statement issued by PRCAN, the Association described the late Chedi as an accomplished professional, a consummate communicator, and a pillar of integrity whose contributions to the growth of public relations in Nigeria will remain indelible.
“Mallam Bashir Chedi was a respected voice in our profession, a mentor to many, and an advocate of ethical practice. His departure is not only a great loss to the NIPR family but also to the larger communication and public relations community in Nigeria,” PRCAN said.
The Association extended its condolences to Dr. Ike Neliaku, President and Chairman of Council of the Nigerian Institute of Public Relations, the NIPR Council, the family of the deceased, and the entire PR community, praying that Almighty God grants them the strength to bear the loss.
“While we mourn his passing, we take solace in the impactful legacy he has left behind, one that will continue to inspire present and future generations of PR practitioners,” the statement added.
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Mbah to NBA: “Law, the Conscience of the Nation, Justice Sector Reform, a Cornerstone of Our Administration”
By ORJI ISRAEL


Governor of Enugu State, Dr. Peter Mbah, has reminded lawyers that the law is more than a profession, as it serves as the conscience of the nation.
Mbah, who spoke during the opening of the 2025 Annual General Conference, AGC, of the Nigerian Bar Association, NBA, at the International Conference Centre, Enugu, on Sunday, also restated the commitment of his administration to justice sector reform, saying that it remained the cornerstone of his government.
“Let me say this: the theme of this year’s conference, ‘Stand Out, Stand Tall,’ is a timely reminder of the responsibility we bear as lawyers and leaders. The law is not just a profession – it is the conscience of the nation. We are not only courtroom advocates; we are also defenders of truth, architects of peace, and champions of equity,” he said.
Listing some concrete steps by his administration towards justice sector reform, the governor said, “Since assuming office, we have made justice sector reform a cornerstone of our governance. Just a few examples will suffice.
“We were among the first states to fully implement financial autonomy for the judiciary in line with Section 121(3) of the 1999 Constitution (as amended). This has enhanced the efficiency, independence, and dignity of our courts.
“We have carried out a comprehensive rehabilitation and digitization of our courtrooms across the three senatorial zones. The High Court Complex in Enugu is equipped with e-filing, virtual hearing facilities, and an integrated case management system.
“To decongest our courts and promote alternative dispute resolution, we have strengthened and expanded the Enugu Multi-Door Courthouse, making it a model in the region for commercial and family dispute settlement.
“Through partnership with civil society and the NBA, we have expanded access to pro bono legal services for indigent citizens and detainees, especially in our rural areas. No one should be too poor to afford justice.
“We have also carried out an extensive codification and review of obsolete state laws to reflect modern realities, ensure gender justice, and promote the ease of doing business in Enugu.
“Perhaps one of the reforms I am proudest of – we introduced real-time transcription for our courts. Attaining Verbatim Reporting for the courts has eliminated the strain of longhand recording on judges, cut down on delays and improved productivity,” he said.
He, however, asserted that none of the reforms was an end in itself, noting that they remained part of a broader vision of his government towards making Enugu State the preferred destination for investment, innovation, and inclusive development.
“From smart schools, safe communities to accessible healthcare – our vision cannot be achieved without a justice system that is fair, functional, and trusted,” he added.
The opening ceremony was chaired by the Sultan of Sokoto, His Eminence, Dr. Sa’ad Abubakar III, while the keynote address was given by charismatic leader of the Economic Freedom Fighters of South Africa and a member of country’s national parliament, Julius Malema.
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70% of Christians killed in 2024 are African – Group
ORJI ISRAEL reports that the group accused ANC of maintaining silence on religious persecution, while deepening ties with ideological extremists in Tehran


Recent reports indicate that over 4,400 Christians were murdered for their faith last year, while over the past decade, jihadist violence has driven 16 million Christians from their homes, millions of which are African citizens.
This is according to global Christian charity, Open Doors, which also confirms that for every five Christians, one will face persecution in Africa specifically.
Open Doors’ 2025 World Watch List reveals the top 10 most dangerous countries for Christians are dominated by Islamic states in the Middle East and Africa, including Afghanistan, Pakistan, Iran, Yemen, Sudan, Somalia, Libya, and Nigeria. A more detailed UK Parliament briefing recently noted that 70% of Christians killed in 2024 were indeed in Africa.
Over the last six months, the brutality against Christians in Africa has escalated to alarming levels, with a series of devastating attacks across the continent. Just last month, ISIL-affiliated rebels stormed a Catholic church in Komanda, DRC, murdering close to 50 worshippers, including women and children. That same month in Mozambique, Islamic State fighters captured and beheaded six Christians from Natocua village, just across South Africa’s border. A month earlier, in June 2025, armed militants in Nigeria massacred nearly 200 Christian civilians in Yelwata village.
“What we are witnessing is not random violence or isolated attacks. It is a deliberate, coordinated campaign by jihadist networks to wipe Christianity from vast regions of Africa and the Middle East,” says SAFI spokesperson, Bafana Modise. “These acts of terror are the early stages of a genocide against Christians, and history will record who spoke out and who shamefully looked away. Tragically, the ANC has chosen the latter.”
This silence is even more damning in light of last week’s news that South Africa’s military chief, Gen. Rudzani Maphwanya, met with Iranian Maj. Gen. Amir Hatami in Tehran to discuss deepening military and strategic ties, when Iran remains one of the world’s most notorious persecutors of Christians.
A recent report by the Middle East Africa Research Institute (MEARI) warned that Pretoria’s deepening ties with Tehran has compromised South Africa’s democratic foundations by defending Iran at the UN and IAEA, downplaying its human rights abuses, and potentially benefitting from covert support, including speculation around the ANC’s repayment of a multi-million-rand debt shortly after filing the ICJ case against Israel.
“These atrocities are not just crimes against individuals; they are part of a war against the freedom of religion itself,” Modise warns. “This is religious genocide, and it is gaining momentum as it edges closer to South Africa’s borders.”
Instead of defending religious freedom, the ANC government has remained silent. It has issued no meaningful condemnation or rallying call to protect persecuted Christians: “The ANC has done nothing to defend the rights of Christians,” says Modise. “Instead, it has squandered South Africa’s moral standing on discredited genocide charges against Israel – the one country in the Middle East where Christians live in safety and equality.”
This betrayal is even more unforgivable in a nation where 80% of South Africans identify as Christian. Freedom of religion is a fundamental human right, but the ANC, once the global champion of human rights, has made its bed with regimes and groups that have used Islamic law to suppress and destroy those freedoms.
“The ANC’s alliances make it clear: they have abandoned South Africa’s Christians, choosing friendship with the very forces driving this campaign of genocide,” Modise concludes. “Silence in the face of such evil is complicity, and the ANC is guilty of both. They have aligned themselves with Jihadist Islamic ideology, without further thought.”
We call on every pastor, every congregation, and every believer to demand that the ANC account for its indifference and betrayal. The blood of persecuted Christians cries out from across the African continent. If South Africa will not stand with them now, the day may come when their fate becomes our own.
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