GRPolitics
What happened to PDP in 2015 general election may befall APC in 2019 – Kwankwaso
In this interview on Channels Television’s Sunrise Daily, a former Governor of Kano State and a presidential aspirant of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Senator Rabiu Kwankwaso, speaks about some of the party’s plans, ahead of the 2019 general elections.
Question: It’s less than six months to the elections and your party doesn’t have a presidential candidate yet. How can people take your party seriously?
Senator Kwankwaso: PDP as it stands today as far as the presidential election is concerned, is the only democratic party, especially when you look at it from the angle of presidential aspirants that we have today. And on the other hand, we have APC who from the look of things have got only one aspirant who is the candidate and is also the President. That is not good for democracy and that is not also good for themselves in terms of any general election.
Are you speaking for the APC?
Yes, I am speaking for the PDP. I am analysing the situation as it is today. We have seen it in the past. In 2015, PDP had only one candidate and it lost the election. If you look at it statistically, from 1999, 2003, 2007 and 2011, PDP had very competitive (aspirants) at primary elections and winning the general elections in those election years. But in 2015, it decided to print only one form for one person and it lost the election.
And if you look at President Muhammadu Buhari himself, in 2003, 2007, 2011, he was only given a ticket without any primary election and he was losing. But he won the election when he had a very good primary election here in Lagos in 2015. So if you look at it statistically, there is a correlation between a good primary election and winning the general election. That is why I can tell you from my experience, and you can see it over the years from 1999 to date. All the major parties, if they go for primaries, they win the election. If they print one form for one person, they lose the election.
But you cannot use that to judge completely because we will have to go through the primaries and if the President is still running under his party, the APC, that doesn’t translate to him running as the sole candidate will lose.
Exactly, that is what I was saying. If you look at it from the statistical point of view, that is exactly what is likely going to happen in 2019. If you also look at it from the number of presidential aspirants, you can conclude that every strong party like PDP is likely going to have as many aspirants as possible. In any case today, we have over 90 parties in this country and many of those parties are not even known by you or me and of course other Nigerians. They will find it even difficult for one person to say he or she is contesting under the party.
And therefore, the more the aspirants as far as we are concerned, it shows the strength of the party because if people are not sure of winning an election or they don’t have much confidence, nobody will be in a hurry to join that party as presidential aspirants or candidate. So to me, it’s a source of strength. Of course, people may argue that the party leadership and the aspirants should come together and see if some can merge, some can agree to work together in the party during the primaries. And of course, if that is not possible, the most sensible thing to do is to go and have free, fair and credible election which everybody will see and be satisfied that there is fairness, justice and equity and at the end of the day, whoever wins, others will come and join him to campaign to make sure that APC is defeated in 2019.
To make this a little easier, why is it that the PDP has got over a dozen candidates, but we don’t find candidates stepping down for themselves to make it easier for the party to manage, which we have seen happen previously in the north?
You see, normally it doesn’t work out that way. Everything has time. Of course, people are free to go come up as aspirants, people are free to go and buy forms which is good for the party and of course raise some funds for the activities of the party which can be funded from that resources. But as time goes on, I very much suspect and pray that many of us can come together which is still healthy for democracy. But also from my own experience, if you have only two aspirants contesting among themselves, it’s even more difficult to agree because the implication is that those who are friendly to A will be with him and those who very agree with or against B will also join A and vice versa. And you find out that at the end of the day, whoever wins the enemies of A or B and vice versa. You find out that whoever wins, the enemies that are leaving A or B will go out there and make sure that trouble is created unnecessarily maybe because of enmity. Yes, the 12 can be reduced but if you go to 2, it becomes difficult because bitterness, anger comes in.
Do you believe that all the presidential candidates in your party are working in the interest of the PDP because some quarters have come out to say that some of you are moles in the party?
In politics, people will have a different opinion based on their own information, background and understanding of things. It is possible, but I don’t know them. It is possible because we are in the opposition. Government is there to plant anything against the opposition. I will not be surprised if they are amongst us and I hope there is none because I have not heard or seen anyone. I believe that at the end of the day, whether government like it or not, the situation as it is at the ground, delegates will go the venue of our primary election and choose the best. Of course, the best is somebody who is likely going to challenge the incumbent, defeat him and have a government of PDP in this country in 2019.
Is it true that there is this disquiet about where the party’s convention will hold either Port Harcourt or Abuja?
Many people have their own version of the argument. I met some people who said ‘look, in Abuja, we have all the facilities.’ Many of us, the delegates, aspirants live in Abuja and in terms of convenience, Abuja is the best. But on the other hand, we are living in a government that doesn’t understand how to put it mildly. I am sure you remember that recently I wanted to declare, and I followed all the due process. I paid all the fees, I wrote all the papers. Just hours to the declaration, we got an information from the police and from other security agencies that look we have an order from above that the place is not good. Even before we applied, we are aware that many events took place in that particular place. I think our leaders in the party thought and believe that with the level of impunity that we see in government at that level, it will be a wasted effort to even ask them to give us Eagles Square or any other place in Abuja. Therefore, the leadership decided to look round to see the best place. And they thought Port Harcourt is the best in terms of the stadium or the facilities and of course including the hotels and so on and so forth.
Many of us are fine with it because of what we have seen from the government. But if you are talking of convenience, Abuja would have been the best and certainly, that is why the ruling party wants to do their own in Abuja.
There is this school of thought that it may not be necessarily fair that people who have left the party and are coming back such as yourself and some others that left the APC and are coming back to contest and if they get the ticket, some feel that will not be fair because if you don’t stick with the party in 2015, why should you deserve the presidential ticket now?
Every day we are learning. PDP, in my opinion, learnt its lesson. In 2015, PDP was very arrogant. It believed that whatever happens, they would win the elections. They never thought an incumbent government could lose an election. They had at that time, some level of impunity that many of us felt that was not the best way to handle the government, the party and of course the country. That was why we decided to defect to the APC to form the party, to work for the part across the country, mobilise the people and at the end of the day, we won the election.
And, of course, PDP learnt its lessons and unfortunately, the hard way. And they started thinking positively. Now as far as I am concerned, PDP now is a better party than it was in 2015.
Unfortunately, APC refused to learn anything. They didn’t understand, and they don’t want to understand to the extent that APC today is the PDP of 2015. And the PDP of today is the APC of 2015.
In fact, there was a swap between the two parties to the extent that in 2015, the entire leadership of those that we call the legacy party, they had to go around the entire part of this country, to meet and plead with us to come and join their party. And under that circumstance, we gave them the benefit of doubt believing that this is a new arrangement, a new party with people of good character and integrity.
When the President called to inform me of his decision to magnanimously confer on me the the National Award of Commander of the Federal Republic, CFR, on account of my much advertised role in the struggle for the validation of the June 12th election and affirmation of Chief MKO Abiola’s mandate, my first reaction was why only me and not all those unsung heroes.
Those officers and men who actively participated in that struggle, risking their careers and even lives.
Although I was one of the leaders of that movement within the military, my contribution was by no means bigger than theirs.
While I have been recognised and celebrated, including this National Honour by the President, they have remained anonymous.
It is therefore incumbent upon me to reveal the identity of these patriots if only to acknowledge and commend their contributions to the emergence of the current democratic dispensation.
The fact that Chief Abiola, the presumed winner of the June 12th election won over 80% of the Armed Forces votes, clearly demonstrated the contribution of the other members of the military. I should add that this list is by no means exhaustive.
There are a lot more participants who have remained unknown to me since they served under others.
I apologise to all those whose names I must have missed. May God recognise and reward your sacrifice.
Top on my list is my deputy at the Armoured Corps Centre and School, Col MA Garba, whose commitment was so strong that he continued with the execution of our plans after some of us were arrested, detained and mercifully retired in October, 1993. He went on, as he should, to attain the enviable rank of a Major General in the army. Others are:
Others are:
-Lt col Lawal Jaafaru Isa.
-Lt col UF Ahmed.
-Lt col MS Dasuki.
-Lt col ML Gwadabe.
-Lt col J. Temlong.
-Lt col Musa Shehu.
-Lt col Chris Eze.
-Lt col HM Dzarma.
-Lt col Isa Jibrin.
-Lt col JOS Oshanupin.
-Lt Col A Oloruntoba(kabiesi Olugbede of Gbede kingdom).
-Lt col Moke.
-Lt col Happy Bulus.
-Lt col Olagunsoye Oyinlola.
-Col J Okai.
-Col E. Ndubueze.
-Lt col Yakubu Muazu.
-Lt col Yahaya Abubakar ( current Etsu Nupe).
-Major Saad Abubakar (current Sultan of Sokoto).
-Maj Abba Maimalari.
-Maj Jamil Tahir.
-Maj Buzugbe.
-Maj LP Aprezi.
-Maj MK Yake.
-Maj J Dawah.
-Maj Suleiman Wali.
-Maj Dauda Komo.
-Maj Lucky Torrie.
-Maj JS Zaruwa.
-Maj M Sumaye.
-Maj Sani Bawa.
-Maj Ndaliman.
Maj Ahmed.
-Maj M Bawa.
-Lt col JB Ahmadu.
-Capt Junaid Bindawa.
-Capt Lar.
I therefore accept this award with all sense of humility on behalf of all these officers and men. Obviously, it goes without saying that this award will be doubly more meaningful if the democracy we all fought for delivers the real dividends.
This can happen only if leaders at all levels govern with the fear of God and in accordance with the tenets of democracy.
It remains the hope and prayers of all patriots that nothing is done to derail this infant democracy.
To achieve the stability and progress of our democracy, leaders must prioritise good governance over politicking for self aggrandizement.
The three co-equal branches of government must operate independently while cooperating with each other.
One enduring lesson from the conduct of the officers and men is their decision to operate above sycophancy but to hold their superior officers to account.
Sadly, this does not appear to have a positive impact on our political leaders. Sycophancy everywhere has become the scourge of selfless and accountable leadership. It is the reason for the arrogance and vanity we see in our leaders at all levels. Men of straw are widely and falsely being elevated to the position of icons by self seeking sycophants.
Mr President must lead in a war against sycophancy in all its forms. This must allow for no exceptions including the rapidly growing trend of naming and renaming public institutions, facilities and other infrastructure after a President or State Governor while in office.
The other day, the Senate President was reported to have predicted that President Bola Tinubu will win the 2027 election with 99.9% of the votes! Even allowing for the fact that this Senate President is widely known for his humorous incitement, Mr President will do well to shun such oracles.
God bless Nigeria.
Abubakar Dangiwa Umar, Colonel (Rtd)
The Kogi State Government has commended Hon. James Abiodun Faleke, Member Representing Ikeja Federal Constituency in the House of Representatives, for his unbending commitment to the security and wellbeing of his home state, describing him as “a patriotic Kogite who leads by example.”
Faleke, an indigene of Kogi State, recently donated a brand-new Hilux patrol vehicle to support the operations of the newly commissioned Smart Police Divisional Headquarters in Ekinrin-Adde, Ijumu Local Government Area.
The high-tech facility which was facilitated by the Nigeria Police Trust Fund in its collaboration with the Government of Kogi State to ensure security at every corner of the state by modernizing and digitizing security operations in the state.
Speaking with journalists on Sunday, the Kogi State Commissioner for Information and Communications, Kingsley Femi Fanwo, conveyed the appreciation of Governor Ahmed Usman Ododo to the federal lawmaker, stating that Hon. Faleke has demonstrated what it means to place security above politics and people’s well-being above personal ambition.
“The Government of Kogi State wishes to reecho the open commendation earlier given by His Excellency during the commissioning of the Smart Police Divisional Headquarters,” Fanwo said.
“As a Government, we appreciate the demonstrative contribution of Hon. James Faleke to the security architecture and infrastructure of the state. This is how to lead the people with emphasis on security above politics, patriotism above scheming with the lives of our people.”
Fanwo added that Hon. Faleke has played key underground roles in support of intelligence, logistics, and coordination with security agencies, working quietly but effectively with the State Government to ensure lives and property are better protected in Kogi State.
The Commissioner expressed confidence that Faleke’s latest intervention would significantly strengthen security not only in Ijumu but across Okunland, Kogi West, and the entire state.
“This is one intervention that we are sure will improve the security of Ijumu, Okunland, Kogi West, and Kogi as a whole. This is how to make an impact without playing to the gallery. What the people need are concrete interventions that can save lives, not selfish arrangements that protect personal interests at the expense of the people.
“The people know those who are genuinely working for their security, those working closely with the State Government to achieve lasting peace in Kogi State. They also know those who are merely playing politics with the lives of the people.”
The Government urged political and business leaders of Kogi origin to emulate Hon. Faleke’s sense of responsibility and selfless service to the people.
“Hon. James Faleke has set an example for others to emulate. He has shown that the lives of his people matter. He is not doing all of these to protect a personal interest or his investment or the investment of his friends. He is doing it to protect the Kogi people, his people”, he said.
Fanwo also disclosed that the Government is closely monitoring the activities of illegal miners and their collaborators, vowing that those compromising the security of the state through economic sabotage will face stiff consequences.
“We are aware of the activities of illegal miners and their enablers. Let it be known that the state will not tolerate any action that puts the lives of our people at risk. We are taking bold steps to ensure that criminal actors do not jeopardize the peace we are working hard to build.”
The Kogi State Government reaffirmed its commitment to partnering with patriotic stakeholders like Hon. James Faleke in its mission to secure every corner of the state and preserve the gains already made in law enforcement and public safety.
GRPolitics
The Intellectual Sins of June 12: A Reckoning with Nigeria’s Democratic Conscience
Article Written by Professor Ojo Emmanuel Ademola
Every June 12, Nigeria observes a significant date that embodies both the aspirations for democracy and the painful betrayal of that dream. This day commemorates the 1993 presidential election, celebrated as the most free and fair in the country’s history but ultimately annulled by the military regime led by General Ibrahim Babangida.
While the focus has often been on the political and military figures involved, there has been less emphasis on the intellectual shortcomings that contributed to this democratic failure.
These shortcomings—the “intellectual sins” of June 12—include silence, complicity, and ideological failures that continue to impact Nigeria’s pursuit of democracy.
The Election That Could Have Changed Everything:
On June 12, 1993, Nigerians came together to vote for Chief Moshood Kashimawo Olawale (MKO) Abiola, a well-known southern Muslim celebrated for his wealth, philanthropy, and political acumen. His electoral victory was more than just a tally of votes; it became a powerful symbol of national unity and a collective longing for civilian governance following years of military rule.
The military’s annulment of the election results, based on vague security concerns and claims of irregularities, was profoundly disappointing. This decision was not merely a political manoeuvre; it represented a significant betrayal of the democratic values that the election was meant to uphold.
The Silence of the Intellectual Class:
One of the most troubling aspects of the June 12 crisis was the widespread silence—or, even worse, the rationalizations—by many in Nigeria’s intellectual elite. University professors, public commentators, and thought leaders, who should have served as the nation’s moral compass, largely failed to speak out against the annulment. Some even justified it, wrapping their arguments in legal jargon or appealing to national stability.
The silence in this situation was not neutral; it was an act of complicity. During times of national crisis, when the intelligentsia chooses to remain silent, this absence is not merely a lack of comment—it is an endorsement of the status quo. Nigeria’s intellectual class’s failure to provide a strong defence of democracy in 1993 highlighted a more profound issue: a lack of genuine commitment to democratic governance.
Ethnic Chauvinism and the Failure of National Integration:
The annulment highlighted the fragility of Nigeria’s national identity. Although Abiola had widespread appeal across the country, the decision to invalidate his victory was perceived mainly as influenced by northern political elites who were uneasy about a southern Muslim becoming president. This perception, whether accurate or not, strengthened the belief that Nigeria’s democracy is held captive by ethnic and regional interests.
Once again, the intellectual class fell short. Instead of confronting the ethnicization of politics, many scholars and commentators either overlooked it or contributed to it. The chance to use June 12 as a catalyst for national integration and civic nationalism was missed.
The Legal and Constitutional Vacuum:
The events of June 12 highlighted Nigeria’s fragile legal and constitutional framework. The annulment of the election exposed the country’s institutions as inadequate in preventing executive overreach and safeguarding the electoral process. At that time, there was a lack of an independent judiciary capable of contesting military actions, an ineffective legislature to oversee government activities, and a civil society that was not sufficiently strong to mobilize in response.
The Institutional weakness in Nigeria was not a coincidence; it stemmed from years of intellectual neglect. The country’s legal scholars, constitutional designers, and policy thinkers did not create a system robust enough to resist authoritarian tendencies. Consequently, the annulment of electoral processes directly resulted from this inadequacy.
The Myth of Transition Without Transformation:
The military’s commitment to transitioning Nigeria to civilian rule was fraught with inconsistencies. The annulment of the June 12 elections exposed the illusion that democratic governance could be realised without a fundamental change in the country’s political culture. The transition program itself was characterized by a top-down approach, a lack of transparency, and a focus on maintaining the interests of the elite.
Many intellectuals were drawn into the myth surrounding a purportedly democratic transition process. By actively participating in advisory roles, they inadvertently lent credibility to a system that lacked true democratic principles. Their failure to critically examine the underlying foundations of this transition program represents a significant intellectual oversight.
The Repetition of History:
The aftermath of June 12 has had lasting repercussions for Nigeria, as the country seems trapped in a cycle of repeating past mistakes. Key issues such as electoral malpractice, the dominance of elites over democratic institutions, and the suppression of dissent are still prevalent in the political landscape. Unfortunately, society has not fully grasped or embraced the vital lessons from June 12, indicating a failure to learn from history.
The recurring failures In Nigeria’s democracy highlight a deeper intellectual shortcoming, as there is a reluctance to engage in critical self-reflection and necessary institutional reform. It is simpler for leaders to honour June 12 through ceremonies and speeches rather than address the uncomfortable realities that emerge from this historical moment.
A Path to Redemption:
Nigeria needs to initiate a new democratic renaissance to address the intellectual shortcomings highlighted on June 12. This revival should focus on enhancing civic education, implementing institutional reforms, and reaffirming a strong commitment to democratic values.
1. Enhancing civic education within society is essential to ensuring the vitality of democracy. This involves prioritizing the teaching of democratic principles, critical thinking, and active citizenship in schools, universities, and media outlets. By doing so, citizens will become more aware of their rights and responsibilities, thus fostering a more engaged and informed populace.
2. Strengthen Institutions: A functioning democracy requires that the judiciary, electoral commission, and legislature operate without political interference. Achieving this necessitates legal reforms and a significant cultural shift in how power is exercised and contested within society.
3. Empower a New Generation of Public Intellectuals: Nigeria requires independent thinkers who prioritize democratic values over ethnic or political affiliations. These intellectuals should courageously challenge authority and advocate for democratic principles, unafraid of potential repercussions.
4. Confront the Past Honestly: The June 12 crisis serves as an important historical event that should be incorporated into school curricula and discussed in public forums. It carries significant moral lessons that are essential for understanding the past. By acknowledging and confronting this history, Nigeria can work towards establishing a more just and democratic future.
Conclusion: Democracy as a Moral Imperative
June 12 serves as a powerful reminder of Nigeria’s complex democratic journey, highlighting both its potential and challenges. Rather than merely marking the date with hollow statements, engaging in a genuine reflection on the past is essential. The mistakes of that time—characterized by silence, complicity, and ideological failures—should not be repeated. As we honour this day, we must recommit ourselves to the ideals embodied by Abiola’s victory, including justice, unity, and the empowerment of the people.
Democracy transcends being merely a system of governance; it is fundamentally a moral obligation. Every citizen, particularly those influential in shaping public opinion, has the responsibility to uphold and defend democratic principles with bravery, clarity, and firm conviction.
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