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Tinubu bombs Obasanjo over attack on Buhari, APC

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By: Oliseama Okwuchukwu

More criticisms have come the way of former president Olusegun Obasanjo over his letter where he chastised President Muhammadu Buhari and his administration, claiming the president was preparing to rig the 2019 poll.

In his response to the letter on Tuesday, former Lagos governor and Co-Chair of the All Progressives Congress Presidential Campaigns, Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, said Obasanjo was projecting unto the APC the misconduct he would perpetrate if still in power.

“Yet, the ways of Obasanjo are not those of the APC. And this difference has meant the better for Nigeria,” Tinubu said in the strongly-worded letter.

Asiwaju described the former president as an election rigger without peer.

“There is no election which occurred under Obasanjo’s watch or in which he participated that did not involve cheating on his part. Even the late President Umaru Musa Yar ‘Adua admitted he was the beneficiary of a flawed election engineered by none other than today’s vociferous complainant,” he said.

Tinubu’s riposte personally signed by him, titled “CHIEF OBASANJO – AT WAR AGAINST HIS OWN DEEDS”, reads: “Former President Obasanjo is many things to many people; but he is all things unto himself. His recent contribution to our political discourse wherein he alleges plots to steer the coming elections shows he benefits from an exceedingly faulty memory, is purely shameless or has a most wicked sense of humor. Perhaps all three are facets of his makeup and were equally on display in his latest prosaic display.

“The crux of his long tirade was the allegation that INEC is poised to cook the election results. Chief Obasanjo should not get his dander up and waste good ink for nothing. This election will be a free and open exercise of the people’s right to choose their leaders. Obasanjo makes fiery allegations against this right but offers no corroborating evidence; he presents only reams of words. This is because Obasanjo is projecting onto the APC the misconduct he would wrought if still in power. Yet, the ways of Obasanjo are not those of the APC. And this difference has meant the better for Nigeria.

“Moreover, Chief Obasanjo should be the last to complain about election rigging. His administration was an unalloyed miscarriage of justice and of the best aspirations of the Nigerian people. We all know he was not elected in 1999. He was handed Nigeria on a silver platter; perhaps because Nigeria was so easily given that he went about treating the nation as if it was a less than precious thing; he thought it was a cheap give-away not a privilege to govern this nation.

“This man should have positioned himself to be the father of the nation. All the goodwill that could be granted a political figure was bestowed on him. The global economy was such that it fueled our growth. Everyone wanted Nigeria to succeed after emerging from years of noxious military rule. Despite the flawed exercise that rendered him president, we all bit our tongues in hope that he would say and do the right things that would move Nigeria forward.

“Instead of being a unifying figure as Commander-in-chief, he lowered himself to being a divisive, vindictive conniver. There was no table which he neared that he did not upset and overturn. There was no one who came into his company for any period of time with whom he did not fall out if he expresses a thought contrary to one of his.

“He tried to convert our young democracy into a one party state. His PDP boasted that they would rule for 60 uninterrupted years. Never did they boast that they would govern us well during even one year of the sixty. He could have placed the economy on the path to durable growth and shared prosperity through diversification, industrialization and creation of a social safety net for the poor. Instead, he handed the economy over to a tight group of cronies, turning what should be a modern economy into a version of the mammoth trading companies that dominated the 17th and 18th century. The Transcorp conglomerate was intended to be a throwback to monopolistic enterprises such as the East Indian Company wherein a select handful would control the national economy’s strategic heights.

“We hoped that Obasanjo would personify statesmanship, thus showing the way to a more benign political culture. Instead, he bickered and feuded with his vice president and mostly anyone who dared remind him that he was human and thus infallible.

“Given the vast margin between the good he could have achieved and the nebulous feats that comprise his true record, Chief Obasanjo is the person most responsible for the flaws in the Nigerian political economy since 1999. His ego is as expansive as the firmament but his good deeds would fit into a modest sachet with ample room to spare.

“The worst of Obasanjo’s record, I have yet to describe. When it comes to elections, he has been a rigger without peer. There is no election which occurred under Obasanjo’s watch or in which he participated that did not involve cheating on his part. Even the late President Umaru Musa Yar ‘Adua admitted he was the beneficiary of a flawed election engineered by none other than today’s vociferous complainant. For Obasanjo to lament over electoral malpractice is tantamount to the ocean complaining that a few raindrops are causing it to get wet.

“In his writing, Obasanjo alleges the Osun election indicates rigging will take place in the coming contests. Let’s go straight to the truth, Obasanjo has no grievance with the process. His personal history suggests fair process is the least of his concerns. What knocks Obasanjo off kilter is that he could not dictate the result in Osun. He told those in the PDP that he held sway in Osun and throughout the Southwest. They believed him. He led them to defeat notwithstanding the almost impossible voter turnout in PDP strongholds in that state. Obasanjo can only win an election when has the final say over the final vote tally. Otherwise, he is a troubled man.

“In an attempt to relieve his trouble, Chief Obasanjo makes reference to a joke about INEC. He says, “The INEC was asked if the Commission was ready for the election and if it expects the election to be free, fair and credible. The INEC man is reported as saying in response, ‘we are ready with everything including the results.’” The joke has a touch of humor; we are glad that Obasanjo is not completely devoid of this most human of traits. However, he makes a telling omission by failing to give you the vintage of this bit of sarcasm.

“The jest was not born last week. It’s vintage is circa 2003- a time when a certain President Obasanjo rode roughshod over INEC. He would summon the nervous INEC chairman to the Villa, proceeding to hector the man until he gave way to Obasanjo’s demands. At Obasanjo’s urging, INEC improperly published fake election results on the gubernatorial race in Lagos. Not until a public outcry did INEC back away from rigging Lagos. A similar attempt was made in Lagos in 2007. In essence, for Obasanjo to laugh at this joke means he has belatedly developed the ability to laugh at himself.

“If Obasanjo was so committed to free elections, how could he countenance Atiku’s recent boast of single-handedly rigging elections in the Southwest. Atiku claimed that he took all states for the PDP but left Lagos alone due to some misguided affinity for me. By this statement, Atiku publicly admitted to rigged elections in the SW. Beyond resort to wholesale rigging, Atiku could never deign to be more popular and potent in the Southwest than the panoply of good and decent leaders that guided the defunct AC. Moreover, I can assure you that we did not need Atiku’s false beneficence to win the elections in Lagos. The people voted for us and their votes countered the ill-designs Obasanjo and Atiku set in motion. Thus, if Obasanjo cannot chastise Atiku for publicly boasting that he rigged elections, then Obasanjo’s display of righteous indignation is but a magician’s trick.

“His fine words and sentiments come a dozen years too late. These noble things would have greater effect had he placed them into practice when he was at the helm of affairs. At that time, he was powerful so he did as he might. Now that he lacks power, he has taken to preach that which he never did.

“In his commentary, he mentions that INEC has a record of past rigging. I wonder if he understands the admission he makes. No other president has exercised such tight control over INEC for as many years as Obasanjo. No president has had the domineering relationship with INEC that Obasanjo enjoyed. If there are reports of past INEC rigging, those reports are of Obasanjo’s making. It is the irony of ironies for Obasanjo to complain of the fruit on the table when his was the hand that planted the tree.

“Chief Obasanjo tries to further confuse matters by pointing to the case of the CJN’s assets declaration as evidence of future vote-rigging via tampering with the judiciary. Again, Obasanjo goes into a personality shift. For years, Obasanjo has boasted of himself as our corruption fighter nonpareil. The very aim of this current letter is to attack imagined INEC malfeasance. Yet, with regard to the CJN, he blithely ignores the large cache of dollars in the CJN’s account and the millions of dollars that passed through the accounts. Obasanjo seems unbothered by the unexplained presence of such sums. Perhaps Obasanjo’s nonchalance regarding the money is that he expected the funds there because he knows both the origin and reasons for the trove.

“Chief Obasanjo sinks so low as to suggest that the VP, during the exercise of his official duties, was taking the PVC numbers of market women and traders. This statement reveals the bilious nature of the man. Obasanjo even quotes the notorious Bode George in claiming that the VP was “gutting our collective treasury” by giving loans of N10,000 to market women under the administration’s empowerment programs.

“What? Giving money to poor people to enhance their lives and escape the maw of poverty is, by PDP metrics, gutting the collective treasury. If helping the poor is gutting the treasury, Atiku’s privatizing large chunks of the economy into his own pocket must have been seen by the PDP as a vital public service. Jonathan and his Petroleum Minister’s siphoning government coffers of several billion dollars to enrich the already-rich must have been viewed by the PDP as the epitome of a social safety net. Obasanjo’s and the PDP’s disdain for the common person could not be clearer.

“Obasanjo should be ashamed to even raise this issue. When he was president, the economy was on an easy sledding due to positive global trends. Obasanjo did not raise a finger to do anything for the poor. He and Atiku were champions of trickle-down economics. If anything good trickled down to the poor it was by accident. Obasanjo left the poor unattended because he cared nothing for them. Poverty increased under his cold indifference. Not one meaningful social program was established during his watch. The banking and pension deregulation he brought were geared to profit the wealthy CEO’s and managers of these financial entities. The malpractices attendant to these deregulation fiascos extinguished the savings of millions of Nigerians. In reliance on these artifices of Obasanjo and his ilk, many Nigerians were thrust down the lower rungs of the poverty they so desperately sought to avoid. Obasanjo’s allies gobbled the savings of the poor and still feast on them to this day.

“Chief Obasanjo is one of the last people to preach to anyone about using public funds to care for the poor. He had the gall to fret that funds should not be given to the urban poor because they are not poor enough. But his grouse does not show any defect in the administration’s program. His complaint shows the defect in Obasanjo’s humanity or lack of it. To complain that some people are not poor enough for his liking is to reveal that seeing human suffering does not motivate him to cure it. He would rather that people suffer it the more. Your unease and distress becomes his entertainment or at least evidence he is superior to the common man. Watching a laborer struggle against penury is no more than a spectator sport for Obasanjo.

“The most fantastic of all his claims is that this administration has returned Nigeria to the days of Abacha. If this were true, the press would be constantly closed. Obasanjo would be constricted in writing such letters. Elections would not be upon us. Atiku would not be able to freely campaign and the diversity of opinion in the public space would be suppressed.

“For Obasanjo to utter such an outrage is that he hopes lighting strikes twice. He was ushered into office after Abacha’s demise. He thinks if he can invoke Abacha’s name, the same thing will happen again. By hook, crook or utter fantasy, Obasanjo seeks to return to Aso Villa, not as an irritating, importuning guest but as a long-term resident. He wants to be back in control. If he cannot be president, then the president better carve from his office a special room for Obasanjo.

“Obasanjo thinks he is more than the greatest Nigerian. He thinks himself greater than Nigeria itself. Unless he is allowed to lead the procession, he will groan, grouse and grit. However, neither President Buhari nor the progressive APC have much use for his reactionary policies and his megalomaniac ways. Thus, we shall be forced to endure more of his letters. But enduring such missives is vastly superior and small price to pay for not having to endure a repeat of his unenlightened misgovernance”.

GrassRoots.ng is on a critical mission; to objectively and honestly represent the voice of ‘grassrooters’ in International, Federal, State and Local Government fora; heralding the achievements of political and other leaders and investors alike, without discrimination. This daily, digital news publication platform serves as the leading source of up-to-date information on how people and events reflect on the global community. The pragmatic articles reflect on the life of the community people, covering news/current affairs, business, technology, culture and fashion, entertainment, sports, State, National and International issues that directly impact the locals.

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When Transparency Becomes Luxury: INEC and ₦1.5B FOI Controversy

ARTICLE By Chike Walter Duru

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Prof. Joash Ojo Amupitan (SAN), chairman, INEC
Prof. Joash Ojo Amupitan (SAN), chairman, INEC

When the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) recently demanded a staggering ₦1.5 billion from a law firm for access to the national register of voters and polling units, many Nigerians were left bewildered.

The request was made under the Freedom of Information (FOI) Act, 2011 – a law designed to make public records accessible, not to commercialize them. INEC’s justification, couched in legalese and bureaucratic arithmetic, raises a deeper question: Is Nigeria’s electoral umpire genuinely committed to transparency and accountability?

At the heart of this controversy is a simple statutory principle. Section 8(1) of the Freedom of Information Act clearly stipulates that where access to information is granted, the public institution may charge “an amount representing the actual cost of document duplication and transcription.” The framers of this law envisioned modest fees; not financial barriers.

INEC, however, appears to have stretched this provision beyond reason. By invoking its internal guideline of ₦250 per page, the Commission arrived at the colossal figure of ₦1,505,901,750 for 6,023,607 pages – supposedly the total pages needed to print the entire national voters’ register and polling unit list. It is a mathematical exercise that may be sound on paper, but absurd in context and intent.

Let us be clear: transparency is not a privilege that comes with a price tag. It is a fundamental right. The Freedom of Information Act exists precisely to ensure that institutions like INEC cannot hide behind bureaucracy or cost to deny citizens access to information that belongs to them.

INEC’s justification, however elaborate, falls flat against the law’s overriding provisions. Section 1(1) of the FOI Act affirms every Nigerian’s right to access or request information from any public institution. More importantly, Section 1(2) establishes that this right applies “notwithstanding anything contained in any other Act, law or regulation.” This means that no internal guideline, regulation, or provision of the Electoral Act can supersede the FOI Act, within the context of access to information.

By relying on Section 15 of the Electoral Act 2022 and its own “Guidelines for Processing Certified True Copies,” INEC seems to have elevated its internal processes above a federal statute – a position that is both legally untenable and administratively misguided.

Civil society organisations have rightly condemned INEC’s response. The Media Initiative Against Injustice, Violence and Corruption (MIIVOC) called the fee arbitrary and unlawful, while the Media Rights Agenda (MRA) described it as a deliberate attempt to frustrate legitimate requests under the FOI Act. These reactions are not misplaced. Charging ₦1.5 billion for public records is tantamount to weaponising cost – turning what should be a transparent process into a pay-to-play system.

The Attorney-General of the Federation’s FOI Implementation Guidelines pegged the standard charge for duplication at ₦10 per page. Even at that rate, printing the same documents would not amount to anything close to ₦1.5 billion. Moreover, in an age of digital data, it is difficult to believe that the only way INEC can share information is through millions of printed pages.

It is worth noting that the National Register of Voters is a digital database – already compiled, stored, and backed up electronically. The polling unit list is also digitised and publicly available. What, then, justifies this astronomical fee?

Democracy thrives on openness. The credibility of any electoral body depends not just on the conduct of elections, but also on the degree of public confidence in its processes. If the cost of accessing basic electoral data runs into billions, how can civil society, researchers, or ordinary citizens participate meaningfully in democratic oversight?

The African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights’ Guidelines on Access to Information and Elections in Africa (2017) are explicit: election management bodies must proactively disclose essential electoral information, including voters’ rolls and polling unit data. Nigeria, as a signatory to this framework, is obligated to promote – not restrict access to such information.

By placing financial barriers in the way of public access, INEC risks undermining not only its own credibility but also Nigeria’s broader democratic integrity. Transparency should not be a privilege of the rich or the powerful. It should be a right enjoyed by all.

This incident presents an opportunity for reflection and reform. INEC must immediately review its internal cost guidelines for information requests and align them with the FOI Act and the Attorney-General’s Implementation Guidelines. More importantly, it should embrace proactive disclosure by publishing the national register of voters and polling units in digital formats that are freely accessible to the public.

There is no reason why information already stored electronically should require billions to access. Doing so not only contravenes the spirit of the FOI Act but also erodes public trust in the Commission’s commitment to open governance.

Access to information is the lifeblood of democracy. It empowers citizens to hold institutions accountable and ensures that governance remains transparent. INEC’s ₦1.5 billion charge is not merely excessive; it is a dangerous precedent that could embolden other public institutions to commercialize public data and silence scrutiny.

If Nigeria must advance its democratic gains, the culture of secrecy and bureaucratic obstruction must give way to openness and accountability. INEC should lead that transformation, not stand in its way.

The Commission owes Nigerians not just elections, but the truth, transparency, and trust that sustain democracy.*Dr. Chike Walter Duru is a communications and governance expert, public relations strategist, and Associate Professor of Mass Communication. He chairs the Board of the Freedom of Information Coalition, Nigeria. Contact: [email protected]

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British High Commissioner visits Anambra State, Reaffirms UK Support for Democratic Processes

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British High Commissioner Dr. Richard Montgomery at the Anambra Broadcasting Service
British High Commissioner, Dr. Richard Montgomery at Anambra Broadcasting Service in Awka on Wednesday.

The British High Commissioner, Dr. Richard Montgomery, today concluded a two-day visit to Awka, Anambra State, engaging with key stakeholders ahead of the state’s gubernatorial election scheduled for 8 November 2025.

The High Commissioner met with Governor Charles Soludo, other gubernatorial candidates, the Independent National Electoral Commission’s Resident Electoral Commissioner, the state Commissioner of Police and civil society representatives.

The visit underscored the United Kingdom’s commitment to supporting Nigeria’s democratic processes and highlighted the importance of peaceful, transparent, inclusive and credible elections.

The High Commissioner emphasised that the UK does not endorse any candidate or political party but remains focused on supporting the electoral process itself.

Key themes discussed during the meetings included technical and logistical preparations to support 5,720 polling units across the state, the security situation across the 21 local government areas of Anambra State, factors likely to affect voter turnout, and arrangements for observing the electoral process and polling day activities.

At the end of the visit, the British High Commissioner, Dr. Richard Montgomery, said:

“The UK supports Nigeria in conducting democratic contests in accordance with Nigerian law and the constitution.

“Our focus is solely on the electoral process itself – that it should be transparent, peaceful, inclusive and enjoy the confidence of the Anambra people. We do not endorse any particular candidate or political party.

“I encourage all eligible voters to exercise their democratic rights and to engage peacefully in the election”.

The visit comes as part of the UK’s broader engagement with Nigerian democratic institutions in the lead-up to the 2027 general elections. The High Commissioner reinforced that violence has no place in the democratic process and that peaceful conduct benefits all stakeholders.

The UK remains committed to its partnership with Nigeria in supporting good governance, democratic institutions, and peaceful electoral processes across all levels of government.

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Why I Left PDP for APC – Governor Peter Mbah

…Says move is to align Enugu’s progress with national reforms under President Tinubu | Reports ORJI ISRAEL

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Dr. Peter Mbah, Governor of Enugu State
Dr. Peter Mbah, Governor of Enugu State

Enugu State Governor, Dr. Peter Ndubuisi Mbah, has formally announced his defection from the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) to the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), declaring that the decision marks “a new chapter for Enugu” and reflects “a conscious step towards a more compelling future.”

Governor Mbah made the announcement on Tuesday, October 14, 2025, during a special address to the people of Enugu titled “Charting a New Course: Transition from PDP to APC.”

He described the move as a product of long reflection and broad consultation, stressing that it was neither impulsive nor politically expedient but a “strategic alignment” designed to deepen Enugu’s transformation and secure federal partnership for the state’s long-term development.

A Moment of Reflection and Renewal

In his address, the governor began by expressing gratitude to God and the people of Enugu, noting that his journey so far had been anchored on trust and shared vision.

“At a time when confidence in political leaders had almost collapsed, Ndi Enugu chose to believe in us. When I declared that ‘Tomorrow Is Here’, you put aside skepticism and stood by us. Without that trust, the transformation we see today would never have happened,” Mbah said.

He highlighted major achievements recorded under his administration in less than three years, including:

  • Smart Green Schools nearing completion across the state,
  • Primary healthcare centres established in all 260 wards,
  • Crime rate reduction by 80%,
  • Massive infrastructure projects, including over 1,000 km of paved roads,
  • AI-driven Command and Control Centre and 150 distress response vehicles,
  • Revamped water supply,
  • 600% growth in Internally Generated Revenue, and
  • Revitalized state assets such as Hotel Presidential and Nigergas.

He also noted that Enugu had earned national recognition as the Cleanest State in Nigeria, winning the Renewed Hope Initiative’s Model Green State Award.

Appreciation to PDP, But Time for Bold Choices

Governor Mbah commended the PDP for providing the platform that brought him to power, describing the party as “a house where Enugu had shared history, struggles, and victories.”

However, he emphasized that leadership sometimes demands “painful but necessary decisions” for the greater good.

“After long reflection, we have made the decision to leave the PDP and join the APC. This is no whimsical decision. It’s a collective move by the political family in Enugu State — members of the National Assembly, House of Assembly, Executive Council, Local Government Chairmen and Councillors, political appointees, and over 80% of party executives,” Mbah explained.

He noted that despite Enugu’s longstanding loyalty to the PDP, “our voices were too often disregarded when it mattered most,” necessitating a shift to a platform where the state’s interests would receive fairer representation.

Partnership for Progress with President Tinubu

Mbah said his decision to join the APC was inspired by President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s “visionary leadership and courage to make tough choices for national transformation.”

“I have found in His Excellency, President Bola Ahmed Tinubu, not just a leader of our nation, but a partner in purpose, a man with the courage to look beyond today and make the tough choices that secure lasting prosperity for tomorrow,” he said.

He praised the President’s Renewed Hope Ward Development Programme, which targets the empowerment of 8.8 million Nigerians across 8,809 electoral wards, saying it aligns with Enugu’s own grassroots-driven development model.

Mbah described his defection as “alignment at scale”, aimed at connecting Enugu’s destiny with the broader economic and governance reforms driving Nigeria’s renewal.

“We are not moving from resentment or fear. We are confident of our future. This move is about fairness, respect, and partnership. What changes is that our vision now finds stronger reinforcement at the federal level,” he added.

Reassurance to Ndi Enugu and the South East

Addressing concerns about how the political shift might affect ongoing projects, the governor assured citizens that his commitment to the state’s development remained unwavering.

“The progress you see today will not slow, and the projects we have begun will be completed. This is not a detour but a step toward a stronger, more connected Enugu,” he affirmed.

He also called on the political class across the South East to prioritize service delivery and regional interest over partisan loyalty.

“Our people are watching. What they care about most are results. True leadership is about service to the people, not service to self,” he said.

A Call for Unity and Shared Vision

Governor Mbah ended his address with a call for unity, urging Ndi Enugu to rally behind the administration’s vision as the state embarks on a new political and developmental trajectory.

“Let us gather with renewed hope to build the Enugu – and the Nigeria – that our children deserve. Tomorrow is here,” he concluded.

Background

Dr. Peter Ndubuisi Mbah, a lawyer, entrepreneur, and public policy expert, was elected governor of Enugu State under the platform of the PDP in 2023. His administration’s Tomorrow is Here agenda focuses on technology-driven governance, industrialization, education reform, and fiscal expansion.

His defection to the APC marks a major political realignment in the South East, with implications for the region’s relationship with the federal government and the 2027 political landscape.

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