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Sacked Adedayo wows to continue attacking the APC led government

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Dr. Festus Adedayo who was fired barely 48 hours after he was appointed Special Adviser on Media and Publicity to President of the Senate, Dr. Ahmad Lawan has finally reacted in a piece published on his Facebook page.

The article reads:

I was just informed a few minutes ago of the withdrawal of the appointment offered me as the Special Adviser on Media and Publicity to the Nigerian Senate President, Dr. Ahmed Lawan. I had hitherto enjoyed every of the diatribes provoked by the appointment.

I was told it was the most discussed issue in Nigeria in the last few days. Of course, it was not humanly possible for me to read the over 5000 tweets and thousands of comments on other social media. As at the time of writing this, the issue was said to be the most-discussed in Nigeria on the social media. Said to be the brainchild of some hired Rottweiler dogs loyal to some lords in the APC, a campaign dubbed #sackfestus adedayowas mounted immediately and within hours, had given birth to thousands of recruits. Many of the commentators who took liberty to harangue me have no idea of who I am and went on a railroaded binge to dress me in an alien robe.

Of a truth, I am a venomous critic of President Muhammadu Buhari, with no apologies. Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, Adams Oshiomhole, Ibikunle Amosu, Bukola Saraki and several others have been on the receiving end of the unkind temper of my pen. But call my attention to five pieces I did in dispraise of Tinubu, I will call yours to the three I did in his praise, at very grave danger to my life and career, even though Tinubu can’t pick me up in a crowd.

Someday when he and I meet, I hope to tell him the consequential bullet I once bit for his sake. Since 1998 when I began column-writing, I have a graveyard of public personalities whom my cudgel has whiplashed for perceived infractions in power. Give me 10 pieces I wrote in uncomplimentary review of President Buhari, I will give you 20 I did in utter vilification of Jonathan, his ministers and those close to him. Jonathan never raised a voice against me. One thing my traducers don’t know is that I have no attachment to those criticisms. I am like a prophet; once I deliver my message, I move on.

What those who are vilifying me for always writing against government should have done was to rise from their laziness and conduct an x-ray of my writing. In my close to 20 years of public sphere intervention, I am a rabid anti-establishment person. I believe that in establishment lies the plague of the Nigerian state and my writings reflect this much. Even though I am everything but a saint, I believe that government should reflect the highest moral echelon of society and those who run it should make covenant of chastity and fidelity with themselves.

More fundamentally is that my pen knows no friend or foe. Very early in my writing career, I learnt that I could go far in the people’s heart if I sided with the public against government. This was abetted by my philosophy degree background which teaches me to always look for disorder, even in order. I am a natural pessimist and see pessimism in optimism. Anyone who does a critical assessment of my journey as a columnist will see this without any equivocation.

I doubt if any government has received greater unfavourable reviews from my pen than the Olusegun Obasanjo government. His ministers were weekly captives of my acidic pen. His Chief Press Secretary, Chief Tunji Oseni, upon once inviting me to the monthly Presidential Media Chat, told me to my face that he regretted inviting a rabid anti-Obasanjo journalist like me to the event. Chief Bola Ige, God bless his soul, was the first recipient of my column’s bile in the government. He wrote Page 9 while I wrote Page 3 of the Sunday Tribune, with his Uncle Bola’s Column, even as Attorney General of the Federation.

A few weeks after the ministers’ inauguration and they were given Wardrobe allowance, I flagellated all of them, including Chief Ige, a known acolyte of Chief Obafemi Awolowo, who owned the medium. When Chief Ige reacted to my attack and spoke of me in bad light, I took him up again and almost insinuated that he was senile. Rather than take further umbrage, he apologized to me. This was the Ige who, one day when I went to his house, in the company of other colleagues, once commended my writing.

Very scant people know that the governor of Oyo State, Seyi Makinde, is my friend. A few weeks ago, I rudely dragged him to the public square over his decision to cancel the N3000 school fees in the state, so much that those who know my association with him asked if there was a dissonance in our relationship. If you rummage through the archives, you would see lacerations on the body of former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, products of my unkind jabs. It began from 1999. If I have written 100 articles referencing Abubakar, we may barely find three that are positive about him. Apart from seeing him on the television, I probably saw him once in my life in the crowd.

Former governors Niyi Adebayo of Ekiti State, Olusegun Osoba, Adebayo Alao-Akala, Rashidi Ladoja received unkind tackles from me. I am very close to Governor Rotimi Akeredolu of Ondo State; the day I felt his decision was against my people of Akure, I wrote against him. Rummage through the archives, you would see how I pounced on Senator Bukola Saraki severally with my pen; you would think we once sparred over possession of same woman.

The truth is, my writings are political party and tribe-blind. I detest injustice, politics and run away from politicians as much as I can. One thing you cannot accuse me of being complicit of is the vermin that has eaten into the fabrics of my journalism profession. While I am not a saint, I have never blackmailed anyone in my life and I have very scant veneration for the god of Mammon.

The person who nominated me for this office under contention will bear me witness: I told him point blank when he intimated me of the proposed nomination that I had sworn never to do the job of a publicist again in my life, after my two experiences in government. It is a job that almost asks for your life; where you have no respite of any kind. More importantly, all my life, I have never lobbied for any office. Second is that, I believe that my stints in government have almost killed the deposit of writing talent in me. Judging by my beginning as a writer, today I should be one of Africa’s most-read fiction writers.

Meeting Senate President Ahmed Lawan in Abuja rekindled my hope in Nigeria. Like me, he is tribe-blind. He is also very unassuming and cerebral. He interviewed me and another candidate as if we were in a doctoral defence class and settled for me as his choice. Nigerian politicians have a lot to learn from that gentleman and his politics of blindness to tribe and political party affiliation. He told me he wanted excellence and would pick whoever among us he saw as equating that score.

More fundamentally is that my pen knows no friend or foe. Very early in my writing career, I learnt that I could go far in the people’s heart if I sided with the public against government. This was abetted by my philosophy degree background which teaches me to always look for disorder, even in order. I am a natural pessimist and see pessimism in optimism. Anyone who does a critical assessment of my journey as a columnist will see this without any equivocation.

I doubt if any government has received greater unfavourable reviews from my pen than the Olusegun Obasanjo government. His ministers were weekly captives of my acidic pen. His Chief Press Secretary, Chief Tunji Oseni, upon once inviting me to the monthly Presidential Media Chat, told me to my face that he regretted inviting a rabid anti-Obasanjo journalist like me to the event. Chief Bola Ige, God bless his soul, was the first recipient of my column’s bile in the government.

He wrote Page 9 while I wrote Page 3 of the Sunday Tribune, with his Uncle Bola’s Column, even as Attorney General of the Federation.A few weeks after the ministers’ inauguration and they were given Wardrobe allowance, I flagellated all of them, including Chief Ige, a known acolyte of Chief Obafemi Awolowo, who owned the medium.

When Chief Ige reacted to my attack and spoke of me in bad light, I took him up again and almost insinuated that he was senile. Rather than take further umbrage, he apologized to me. This was the Ige who, one day when I went to his house, in the company of other colleagues, once commended my writing.

Very scant people know that the governor of Oyo State, Seyi Makinde, is my friend. A few weeks ago, I rudely dragged him to the public square over his decision to cancel the N3000 school fees in the state, so much that those who know my association with him asked if there was a dissonance in our relationship.

If you rummage through the archives, you would see lacerations on the body of former Vice President Atiku Abubakar, products of my unkind jabs. It began from 1999. If I have written 100 articles referencing Abubakar, we may barely find three that are positive about him.

Apart from seeing him on the television, I probably saw him once in my life in the crowd.Former governors Niyi Adebayo of Ekiti State, Olusegun Osoba, Adebayo Alao-Akala, Rashidi Ladoja received unkind tackles from me.

I am very close to Governor Rotimi Akeredolu of Ondo State; the day I felt his decision was against my people of Akure, I wrote against him. Rummage through the archives, you would see how I pounced on Senator Bukola Saraki severally with my pen; you would think we once sparred over possession of same woman.

The truth is, my writings are political party and tribe-blind. I detest injustice, politics and run away from politicians as much as I can. One thing you cannot accuse me of being complicit of is the vermin that has eaten into the fabrics of my journalism profession.

While I am not a saint, I have never blackmailed anyone in my life and I have very scant veneration for the god of Mammon. The person who nominated me for this office under contention will bear me witness: I told him point blank when he intimated me of the proposed nomination that I had sworn never to do the job of a publicist again in my life, after my two experiences in government.

It is a job that almost asks for your life; where you have no respite of any kind. More importantly, all my life, I have never lobbied for any office. Second is that, I believe that my stints in government have almost killed the deposit of writing talent in me. Judging by my beginning as a writer, today I should be one of Africa’s most-read fiction writers.

Meeting Senate President Ahmed Lawan in Abuja rekindled my hope in Nigeria. Like me, he is tribe-blind. He is also very unassuming and cerebral. He interviewed me and another candidate as if we were in a doctoral defence class and settled for me as his choice. Nigerian politicians have a lot to learn from that gentleman and his politics of blindness to tribe and political party affiliation.

He told me he wanted excellence and would pick whoever among us he saw as equating that score.

Mr Adedayo served as media adviser to former governors of Oyo and Enugu States,Abiola Ajimobi and Chimaroke Nnamani, respectively, at different times. He was with the Tribune newspaper when the senate president called him up.

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My CFR National Honours Award

By COL ABUBAKAR D. UMAR (Rtd)

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CFR National Honours

When the President called to inform me of his decision to magnanimously confer on me the the National Award of Commander of the Federal Republic, CFR, on account of my much advertised role in the struggle for the validation of the June 12th election and affirmation of Chief MKO Abiola’s mandate, my first reaction was why only me and not all those unsung heroes.

Those officers and men who actively participated in that struggle, risking their careers and even lives.

Although I was one of the leaders of that movement within the military, my contribution was by no means bigger than theirs.

While I have been recognised and celebrated, including this National Honour by the President, they have remained anonymous.

It is therefore incumbent upon me to reveal the identity of these patriots if only to acknowledge and commend their contributions to the emergence of the current democratic dispensation.

The fact that Chief Abiola, the presumed winner of the June 12th election won over 80% of the Armed Forces votes, clearly demonstrated the contribution of the other members of the military. I should  add that this list is by no means exhaustive.

There are a lot more participants who have remained unknown to me since they served under others.

I apologise to all those whose names I must have missed. May God recognise and reward your sacrifice.

Top on my list is my deputy at the Armoured Corps Centre and School, Col MA Garba, whose commitment was so strong that he  continued with the execution of our plans after some of us were arrested, detained and mercifully retired in October, 1993. He went on, as he should, to attain the enviable rank of a Major General in the army. Others are:

Others are:

-Lt col Lawal Jaafaru Isa.

-Lt col UF Ahmed.

-Lt col MS Dasuki.

-Lt col ML Gwadabe.

-Lt col J. Temlong.

-Lt col Musa Shehu.

-Lt col Chris Eze.

-Lt col HM Dzarma.

-Lt col Isa Jibrin.

-Lt col JOS Oshanupin.

-Lt Col A Oloruntoba(kabiesi Olugbede of Gbede kingdom).

-Lt col Moke.

-Lt col Happy Bulus.

-Lt col Olagunsoye  Oyinlola.

-Col J Okai.

-Col E. Ndubueze.

-Lt col Yakubu Muazu.

-Lt col Yahaya Abubakar ( current Etsu Nupe).

-Major Saad Abubakar (current Sultan of Sokoto).

-Maj Abba Maimalari.

-Maj Jamil Tahir.

-Maj Buzugbe.

-Maj LP Aprezi.

-Maj MK Yake.

-Maj J Dawah.

-Maj Suleiman  Wali.

-Maj Dauda Komo.

-Maj Lucky Torrie.

-Maj JS Zaruwa.

-Maj M Sumaye.

-Maj Sani Bawa.

-Maj Ndaliman.

Maj Ahmed.

-Maj M Bawa.

-Lt col JB Ahmadu.

-Capt Junaid Bindawa.

-Capt Lar.

I therefore accept this award with all sense of humility on behalf of all these officers and men. Obviously, it goes without saying that this award will be doubly more meaningful if the democracy we all fought for delivers the real dividends.

This can happen only  if leaders at all levels govern with the fear of God and in accordance with the tenets of democracy.

It remains the hope and prayers of all patriots that nothing is done to derail this infant democracy.

To achieve the stability and progress of our democracy, leaders must prioritise good governance over politicking for self aggrandizement.

The three co-equal branches of government must operate independently while cooperating with each other.

One enduring lesson from the conduct of the officers and men is their decision to operate above sycophancy but to hold their superior officers to account.

Sadly, this does not appear to have a positive impact on our political leaders. Sycophancy everywhere has become the scourge of selfless and accountable leadership. It is the reason for the arrogance and vanity we see in our leaders at all levels. Men of straw are widely and falsely being elevated to the position of icons by self seeking sycophants.

Mr President must lead in a war against sycophancy in all its forms. This must allow for no exceptions including the rapidly growing trend of naming and renaming public institutions, facilities and other infrastructure after a President or State Governor while in office.

The other day, the Senate President was reported to have predicted that President Bola Tinubu will win the 2027 election with 99.9% of the votes! Even allowing for the fact that this Senate President is widely known for his humorous incitement, Mr President will do well to shun such oracles.

God bless Nigeria.

Abubakar Dangiwa Umar, Colonel (Rtd)

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Security Above Politics: Kogi Govt Hails Faleke

BY: SANDRA ANI

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Hon. James Abiodun Faleke

The Kogi State Government has commended Hon. James Abiodun Faleke, Member Representing Ikeja Federal Constituency in the House of Representatives, for his unbending commitment to the security and wellbeing of his home state, describing him as “a patriotic Kogite who leads by example.”

Faleke, an indigene of Kogi State, recently donated a brand-new Hilux patrol vehicle to support the operations of the newly commissioned Smart Police Divisional Headquarters in Ekinrin-Adde, Ijumu Local Government Area.

The high-tech facility which was facilitated by the Nigeria Police Trust Fund in its collaboration with the Government of Kogi State to ensure security at every corner of the state by modernizing and digitizing security operations in the state. 

Speaking with journalists on Sunday, the Kogi State Commissioner for Information and Communications, Kingsley Femi Fanwo, conveyed the appreciation of Governor Ahmed Usman Ododo to the federal lawmaker, stating that Hon. Faleke has demonstrated what it means to place security above politics and people’s well-being above personal ambition.

“The Government of Kogi State wishes to reecho the open commendation earlier given by His Excellency during the commissioning of the Smart Police Divisional Headquarters,” Fanwo said.

“As a Government, we appreciate the demonstrative contribution of Hon. James Faleke to the security architecture and infrastructure of the state. This is how to lead the people with emphasis on security above politics, patriotism above scheming with the lives of our people.”

Fanwo added that Hon. Faleke has played key underground roles in support of intelligence, logistics, and coordination with security agencies, working quietly but effectively with the State Government to ensure lives and property are better protected in  Kogi State.

The Commissioner expressed confidence that Faleke’s latest intervention would significantly strengthen security not only in Ijumu but across Okunland, Kogi West, and the entire state.

“This is one intervention that we are sure will improve the security of Ijumu, Okunland, Kogi West, and Kogi as a whole. This is how to make an impact without playing to the gallery. What the people need are concrete interventions that can save lives, not selfish arrangements that protect personal interests at the expense of the people.

“The people know those who are genuinely working for their security, those working closely with the State Government to achieve lasting peace in Kogi State. They also know those who are merely playing politics with the lives of the people.”

The Government urged political and business leaders of Kogi origin to emulate Hon. Faleke’s sense of responsibility and selfless service to the people.

“Hon. James Faleke has set an example for others to emulate. He has shown that the lives of his people matter. He is not doing all of these to protect a personal interest or his investment or the investment of his friends. He is doing it to protect the Kogi people, his people”, he said. 

Fanwo also disclosed that the Government is closely monitoring the activities of illegal miners and their collaborators, vowing that those compromising the security of the state through economic sabotage will face stiff consequences.

“We are aware of the activities of illegal miners and their enablers. Let it be known that the state will not tolerate any action that puts the lives of our people at risk. We are taking bold steps to ensure that criminal actors do not jeopardize the peace we are working hard to build.”

The Kogi State Government reaffirmed its commitment to partnering with patriotic stakeholders like Hon. James Faleke in its mission to secure every corner of the state and preserve the gains already made in law enforcement and public safety.

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The Intellectual Sins of June 12: A Reckoning with Nigeria’s Democratic Conscience

Article Written by Professor Ojo Emmanuel Ademola

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The Intellectual Sins of June 12
The Intellectual Sins of June 12

Every June 12, Nigeria observes a significant date that embodies both the aspirations for democracy and the painful betrayal of that dream. This day commemorates the 1993 presidential election, celebrated as the most free and fair in the country’s history but ultimately annulled by the military regime led by General Ibrahim Babangida.

While the focus has often been on the political and military figures involved, there has been less emphasis on the intellectual shortcomings that contributed to this democratic failure.

These shortcomings—the “intellectual sins” of June 12—include silence, complicity, and ideological failures that continue to impact Nigeria’s pursuit of democracy.

The Election That Could Have Changed Everything:

On June 12, 1993, Nigerians came together to vote for Chief Moshood Kashimawo Olawale (MKO) Abiola, a well-known southern Muslim celebrated for his wealth, philanthropy, and political acumen. His electoral victory was more than just a tally of votes; it became a powerful symbol of national unity and a collective longing for civilian governance following years of military rule.

The military’s annulment of the election results, based on vague security concerns and claims of irregularities, was profoundly disappointing. This decision was not merely a political manoeuvre; it represented a significant betrayal of the democratic values that the election was meant to uphold.

The Silence of the Intellectual Class:

One of the most troubling aspects of the June 12 crisis was the widespread silence—or, even worse, the rationalizations—by many in Nigeria’s intellectual elite. University professors, public commentators, and thought leaders, who should have served as the nation’s moral compass, largely failed to speak out against the annulment. Some even justified it, wrapping their arguments in legal jargon or appealing to national stability.

The silence in this situation was not neutral; it was an act of complicity. During times of national crisis, when the intelligentsia chooses to remain silent, this absence is not merely a lack of comment—it is an endorsement of the status quo. Nigeria’s intellectual class’s failure to provide a strong defence of democracy in 1993 highlighted a more profound issue: a lack of genuine commitment to democratic governance.

Ethnic Chauvinism and the Failure of National Integration:

The annulment highlighted the fragility of Nigeria’s national identity. Although Abiola had widespread appeal across the country, the decision to invalidate his victory was perceived mainly as influenced by northern political elites who were uneasy about a southern Muslim becoming president. This perception, whether accurate or not, strengthened the belief that Nigeria’s democracy is held captive by ethnic and regional interests.

Once again, the intellectual class fell short. Instead of confronting the ethnicization of politics, many scholars and commentators either overlooked it or contributed to it. The chance to use June 12 as a catalyst for national integration and civic nationalism was missed.

The Legal and Constitutional Vacuum:

The events of June 12 highlighted Nigeria’s fragile legal and constitutional framework. The annulment of the election exposed the country’s institutions as inadequate in preventing executive overreach and safeguarding the electoral process. At that time, there was a lack of an independent judiciary capable of contesting military actions, an ineffective legislature to oversee government activities, and a civil society that was not sufficiently strong to mobilize in response.

The Institutional weakness in Nigeria was not a coincidence; it stemmed from years of intellectual neglect. The country’s legal scholars, constitutional designers, and policy thinkers did not create a system robust enough to resist authoritarian tendencies. Consequently, the annulment of electoral processes directly resulted from this inadequacy.

The Myth of Transition Without Transformation:

The military’s commitment to transitioning Nigeria to civilian rule was fraught with inconsistencies. The annulment of the June 12 elections exposed the illusion that democratic governance could be realised without a fundamental change in the country’s political culture. The transition program itself was characterized by a top-down approach, a lack of transparency, and a focus on maintaining the interests of the elite.

Many intellectuals were drawn into the myth surrounding a purportedly democratic transition process. By actively participating in advisory roles, they inadvertently lent credibility to a system that lacked true democratic principles. Their failure to critically examine the underlying foundations of this transition program represents a significant intellectual oversight.

The Repetition of History:

The aftermath of June 12 has had lasting repercussions for Nigeria, as the country seems trapped in a cycle of repeating past mistakes. Key issues such as electoral malpractice, the dominance of elites over democratic institutions, and the suppression of dissent are still prevalent in the political landscape. Unfortunately, society has not fully grasped or embraced the vital lessons from June 12, indicating a failure to learn from history.

The recurring failures In Nigeria’s democracy highlight a deeper intellectual shortcoming, as there is a reluctance to engage in critical self-reflection and necessary institutional reform. It is simpler for leaders to honour June 12 through ceremonies and speeches rather than address the uncomfortable realities that emerge from this historical moment.

A Path to Redemption:

Nigeria needs to initiate a new democratic renaissance to address the intellectual shortcomings highlighted on June 12. This revival should focus on enhancing civic education, implementing institutional reforms, and reaffirming a strong commitment to democratic values.

1. Enhancing civic education within society is essential to ensuring the vitality of democracy. This involves prioritizing the teaching of democratic principles, critical thinking, and active citizenship in schools, universities, and media outlets. By doing so, citizens will become more aware of their rights and responsibilities, thus fostering a more engaged and informed populace.

2. Strengthen Institutions: A functioning democracy requires that the judiciary, electoral commission, and legislature operate without political interference. Achieving this necessitates legal reforms and a significant cultural shift in how power is exercised and contested within society.

3. Empower a New Generation of Public Intellectuals: Nigeria requires independent thinkers who prioritize democratic values over ethnic or political affiliations. These intellectuals should courageously challenge authority and advocate for democratic principles, unafraid of potential repercussions.

4. Confront the Past Honestly: The June 12 crisis serves as an important historical event that should be incorporated into school curricula and discussed in public forums. It carries significant moral lessons that are essential for understanding the past. By acknowledging and confronting this history, Nigeria can work towards establishing a more just and democratic future.

Conclusion: Democracy as a Moral Imperative

June 12 serves as a powerful reminder of Nigeria’s complex democratic journey, highlighting both its potential and challenges. Rather than merely marking the date with hollow statements, engaging in a genuine reflection on the past is essential. The mistakes of that time—characterized by silence, complicity, and ideological failures—should not be repeated. As we honour this day, we must recommit ourselves to the ideals embodied by Abiola’s victory, including justice, unity, and the empowerment of the people.

Democracy transcends being merely a system of governance; it is fundamentally a moral obligation. Every citizen, particularly those influential in shaping public opinion, has the responsibility to uphold and defend democratic principles with bravery, clarity, and firm conviction.

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