GRPolitics
2023: Who will go for the Igbo? – Our best 3 candidates
Jonathan C. Nnakwube (Ph.D.) writes from Germany
With 2023 just around the corner, the race to determine who succeeds incumbent President Muhammadu Buhari as the holder of the top job in Nigeria is beginning to gather steam.
Already, several candidates have thrown their hats into the ring, with some of them, like the former Lagos State Governor, Asiwaju Bola Tinubu not hiding their clear interest in the presidency.
One of the major issues shaping the conversations around the 2023 presidential election is the Igbo question. There is a strong argument for the South East to get a shot at the presidency, especially considering the fact that the region has endured an extended hiatus from the seat of power, coupled with the school of thought that an Igbo presidency has the tendency to quell the worrisome agitations in the region and provide the much-needed sense of belonging.
Further shoring up the argument for the Igbo cause is the position of political watchers, many of whom have pointed out the fact that the South East has a strong case of marginalization, notably when one considers how it has fared in comparison to other regions, as far as the presidency is concerned.
For this school of thought, presidential powers in Nigeria have largely rotated between the North and the South West.
They point to the Olusegun Obasanjo presidency which saw Atiku Abubakar, who hails from Adamawa in the North East as his side-kick for eight years; the short-lived Umar Musa Yar-Adua administration which threw up a South-South deputy in the person of Goodluck Jonathan and who later contested and won a four-year term with another Northerner, Namadi Sambo as vice president; as well as the incumbent eight-year administration of Buhari with a South-Western candidate, Yemi Osibanjo as vice president.
In their view, the fair thing would be to return the presidency to the South and allow the South-South to complete its eight years, four of which have already been enjoyed by Jonathan or better still, support an Igbo candidacy as successor to Buhari.
While another school of thought has continued to argue that the South East lacks a truly unified voice, a throwback to the republican nature which lends a fiercely decentralized, individualistic mindset in most South Easterners, others have also insisted that the region lacks the nous, the know-how and the guile to play national politics; the top-tier type loaded with high-wire stakes, lobbying and horse-trading that would guarantee a shoo-in for its candidate into Aso Rock.
Nevertheless, one thing that all parties agree on is the fact that the South East certainly deserves a chance to lead Nigeria again.
Undoubtedly, 2023 is perceived widely as a pivotal year for Nigeria on the political front. Bedeviled for donkey years by a combination of inept leadership and stunted development, the Nigerian state is home to a growing army of digitally savvy youths, many of whom are now boldly challenging the status quo and calling more loudly for better governance.
The foregoing came to the fore during the #EndSARS protests which rocked Nigeria in October 2020 as an army of disenchanted youths, under a movement which began as an opposition to widespread police brutality, expanded its agitations to clarion calls for an end to bad leadership. It took the combined might of state power and a bloody night at the now-infamous Lekki Toll Gate in Lagos to put down the movement.
However, the warning signals are there that these youths are no longer just frustrated at the current state of affairs, but that they would also no longer stand by and watch with folded arms.
Also reinforcing the critical importance of the 2023 elections for the future of Nigeria is the sweeping changes in the global ecosystem, led by the growing powers of technology as a leveler and heightened by the COVID-19 pandemic. Many Nigerian youths today are resident in the country but working for firms or corporations abroad from the comfort of their homes.
Others are fleeing the country in droves, either migrating as skilled hands or fueling the ranks of those seeking higher education in advanced climes, as COVID and the pervasive influence of technology continue to disrupt the global economy.
The foregoing has seen more Nigerians gainfully join the Diaspora, with these new additions who have now experienced working systems in other climes, lending their voices and joining the bandwagon of those demanding a better Nigeria.
The view among some of these thinkers and a growing segment of political watchers in Nigeria is that, in order to get it right on the leadership front, Nigeria requires a shift from traditional politicians, many of whom have failed to distinguish themselves in office.
In other words, the reasoning is that the time is right for the country to explore the possibility of backing credible entrepreneurs who have built successful businesses, rather than rely on the established norm of having ill-suited career politicians in office.
Viewed from this perspective and against the backdrop of the Igbo candidacy, there is a consensus that the South East can certainly throw up a handful of very strong names, highly capable candidates that can bring their wealth of entrepreneurial experience to bear in leading Nigeria out of the woods and repositioning it as a dominant force on the continent and one to be reckoned with globally.
This list is certainly not exhaustive but here is a short list of three names that remain top of mind after rigorous examination.
These men do not only rank as successful entrepreneurs, but they have equally demonstrated proof of being men whose leadership abilities can be counted on.
ABC orjiako of Seplat
Simple, unassuming and a man of means, Ambrose Orjiako is one of the useful names that springs up when it comes to sound entrepreneurial presidential options from the South East. A medical doctor by training, Dr. Orjiako holds the record of being the brains behind Seplat – the first publicly listed oil company in Nigeria.
To his credit, ABC Orjiako has years of credible experience as a successful entrepreneur, having first cut his professional teeth with Shebah E&P, an oil exploration company which later metamorphosed into Seplat Petroleum Development Company, becoming the first Nigerian company to take over operation of a Joint Venture asset from Shell, Total and Eni.
Given his vast international connections, Orjiako is a man whom many believe would be able to attract significant global investments to Nigeria.
He is also well-educated, a factor that would represent a clear departure from the previous grain of past leaders of Nigeria.
The only blot on Orjiako’s seemingly pristine record would be his misadventure with Seplat which has been embroiled in a long legal tussle with some commercial banks over alleged indebtedness and from which he is expected to stand down as Chairman in May 2022 after the company’s Annual General Meeting (AGM) when an independent chairperson will take over.
Leo Stan Ekeh of Zinox
If there is one man who would receive unanimous acclaim, not only locally here in Nigeria but globally, as presidential material of Igbo extraction, it would be Leo Stan Ekeh. An internationally recognized tech guru, Leo Stan, as he is fondly called by his peers, is Chairman of the Zinox Group, a business conglomerate which has dominated the Nigerian and Sub-Saharan African technology ecosystem for many decades.
Ekeh is a man of few words but his legendary strides as a globally certified serial digital entrepreneur speaks volumes. He is also the brains behind the Konga Group, a flourishing e-commerce chain which he acquired, almost at the point of asphyxiation, from foreign owners but which, from feelers gathered, has been transformed by him and his team into a profitable entity and the beautiful bride of Nigerian and African e-commerce.
He also holds the enviable record of building many successful businesses in his chosen field of technology, all of which have greatly contributed in putting Nigeria on the map.
Most importantly, Ekeh has remained above reproach in his personal and business dealings, with informed sources describing him as one Nigerian businessman who has hardly taken any loans or been indebted to any banks, either here in Nigeria or abroad.
In addition, Ekeh is of the digital parish, a charismatic knowledge democracy promoter, a gender sensitive enthusiast, generous philantropist and a global citizen who is on first name terms with other global tech icons such as Amazon’s Jeff Bezos and Alibaba’s Jack Ma. His far-reaching connections and influence in technology, which today has become widely regarded as the determinant of the wealth of nations, are factors that further distinguish him, aligned to his selflessness, humane disposition and legendary humility. While the true measure or extent of Ekeh’s wealth remains a subject of conjecture – a point that can be attributed to the fact that he is not a noise maker – those in the know describe him as a man who is of a vastly firmer financial standing than some of the popular names in the Nigerian business space.
Also working in his favour is the fact that the Zinox Chairman has friends across boundaries in Nigeria, by virtue of his business dealings which have seen him deploy solutions or set up offices or stores across the nooks and crannies of the country.
This point is of critical importance as the new Nigeria requires a leader with a broad, national outlook.
The only downside in Ekeh’s resume is that he has never hidden the fact that he is not a politician, but this, in itself, can be considered a plus or positive as one can be assured that in Ekeh, Nigeria would not have a leader bogged down by the foibles or failings of traditional politics and its debilitating nuances.
Allen Onyema or Airpeace
Chief Executive Officer (CEO) and founder of Air Peace, Chief Allen Onyema is yet another name out of the South East whom many believe has the credentials to lead Nigeria.
Onyema has made a success of Air Peace which he launched in 2013 and has continued to use the business to demonstrate his status as a responsible corporate citizen and a nationalist.
Onyema, through Air Peace, has consistently airlifted stranded Nigerians, notably during the lockdown imposed as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic in the UK and other countries. Also, other Nigerians stranded or set for deportation in some African countries such as Libya have enjoyed the benevolence of the Air Peace Chairman.
Onyema, a lawyer by training, is a man who has displayed keen business intelligence and aptitude, as demonstrated in the way he has taken Air Peace to the pinnacle of the highly competitive and capital-intensive airline industry.
His dedication to the Nigerian cause is not in doubt and while he may not be a career politician, Onyema’s entrepreneurial exploits and understanding of the challenging diversity of Nigeria certainly place him in good stead for the top job in the land. Perhaps, the only blot on his record is his alleged indictment for bank fraud and money laundering to the tune of $20 million by the United States government.
When the President called to inform me of his decision to magnanimously confer on me the the National Award of Commander of the Federal Republic, CFR, on account of my much advertised role in the struggle for the validation of the June 12th election and affirmation of Chief MKO Abiola’s mandate, my first reaction was why only me and not all those unsung heroes.
Those officers and men who actively participated in that struggle, risking their careers and even lives.
Although I was one of the leaders of that movement within the military, my contribution was by no means bigger than theirs.
While I have been recognised and celebrated, including this National Honour by the President, they have remained anonymous.
It is therefore incumbent upon me to reveal the identity of these patriots if only to acknowledge and commend their contributions to the emergence of the current democratic dispensation.
The fact that Chief Abiola, the presumed winner of the June 12th election won over 80% of the Armed Forces votes, clearly demonstrated the contribution of the other members of the military. I should add that this list is by no means exhaustive.
There are a lot more participants who have remained unknown to me since they served under others.
I apologise to all those whose names I must have missed. May God recognise and reward your sacrifice.
Top on my list is my deputy at the Armoured Corps Centre and School, Col MA Garba, whose commitment was so strong that he continued with the execution of our plans after some of us were arrested, detained and mercifully retired in October, 1993. He went on, as he should, to attain the enviable rank of a Major General in the army. Others are:
Others are:
-Lt col Lawal Jaafaru Isa.
-Lt col UF Ahmed.
-Lt col MS Dasuki.
-Lt col ML Gwadabe.
-Lt col J. Temlong.
-Lt col Musa Shehu.
-Lt col Chris Eze.
-Lt col HM Dzarma.
-Lt col Isa Jibrin.
-Lt col JOS Oshanupin.
-Lt Col A Oloruntoba(kabiesi Olugbede of Gbede kingdom).
-Lt col Moke.
-Lt col Happy Bulus.
-Lt col Olagunsoye Oyinlola.
-Col J Okai.
-Col E. Ndubueze.
-Lt col Yakubu Muazu.
-Lt col Yahaya Abubakar ( current Etsu Nupe).
-Major Saad Abubakar (current Sultan of Sokoto).
-Maj Abba Maimalari.
-Maj Jamil Tahir.
-Maj Buzugbe.
-Maj LP Aprezi.
-Maj MK Yake.
-Maj J Dawah.
-Maj Suleiman Wali.
-Maj Dauda Komo.
-Maj Lucky Torrie.
-Maj JS Zaruwa.
-Maj M Sumaye.
-Maj Sani Bawa.
-Maj Ndaliman.
Maj Ahmed.
-Maj M Bawa.
-Lt col JB Ahmadu.
-Capt Junaid Bindawa.
-Capt Lar.
I therefore accept this award with all sense of humility on behalf of all these officers and men. Obviously, it goes without saying that this award will be doubly more meaningful if the democracy we all fought for delivers the real dividends.
This can happen only if leaders at all levels govern with the fear of God and in accordance with the tenets of democracy.
It remains the hope and prayers of all patriots that nothing is done to derail this infant democracy.
To achieve the stability and progress of our democracy, leaders must prioritise good governance over politicking for self aggrandizement.
The three co-equal branches of government must operate independently while cooperating with each other.
One enduring lesson from the conduct of the officers and men is their decision to operate above sycophancy but to hold their superior officers to account.
Sadly, this does not appear to have a positive impact on our political leaders. Sycophancy everywhere has become the scourge of selfless and accountable leadership. It is the reason for the arrogance and vanity we see in our leaders at all levels. Men of straw are widely and falsely being elevated to the position of icons by self seeking sycophants.
Mr President must lead in a war against sycophancy in all its forms. This must allow for no exceptions including the rapidly growing trend of naming and renaming public institutions, facilities and other infrastructure after a President or State Governor while in office.
The other day, the Senate President was reported to have predicted that President Bola Tinubu will win the 2027 election with 99.9% of the votes! Even allowing for the fact that this Senate President is widely known for his humorous incitement, Mr President will do well to shun such oracles.
God bless Nigeria.
Abubakar Dangiwa Umar, Colonel (Rtd)
The Kogi State Government has commended Hon. James Abiodun Faleke, Member Representing Ikeja Federal Constituency in the House of Representatives, for his unbending commitment to the security and wellbeing of his home state, describing him as “a patriotic Kogite who leads by example.”
Faleke, an indigene of Kogi State, recently donated a brand-new Hilux patrol vehicle to support the operations of the newly commissioned Smart Police Divisional Headquarters in Ekinrin-Adde, Ijumu Local Government Area.
The high-tech facility which was facilitated by the Nigeria Police Trust Fund in its collaboration with the Government of Kogi State to ensure security at every corner of the state by modernizing and digitizing security operations in the state.
Speaking with journalists on Sunday, the Kogi State Commissioner for Information and Communications, Kingsley Femi Fanwo, conveyed the appreciation of Governor Ahmed Usman Ododo to the federal lawmaker, stating that Hon. Faleke has demonstrated what it means to place security above politics and people’s well-being above personal ambition.
“The Government of Kogi State wishes to reecho the open commendation earlier given by His Excellency during the commissioning of the Smart Police Divisional Headquarters,” Fanwo said.
“As a Government, we appreciate the demonstrative contribution of Hon. James Faleke to the security architecture and infrastructure of the state. This is how to lead the people with emphasis on security above politics, patriotism above scheming with the lives of our people.”
Fanwo added that Hon. Faleke has played key underground roles in support of intelligence, logistics, and coordination with security agencies, working quietly but effectively with the State Government to ensure lives and property are better protected in Kogi State.
The Commissioner expressed confidence that Faleke’s latest intervention would significantly strengthen security not only in Ijumu but across Okunland, Kogi West, and the entire state.
“This is one intervention that we are sure will improve the security of Ijumu, Okunland, Kogi West, and Kogi as a whole. This is how to make an impact without playing to the gallery. What the people need are concrete interventions that can save lives, not selfish arrangements that protect personal interests at the expense of the people.
“The people know those who are genuinely working for their security, those working closely with the State Government to achieve lasting peace in Kogi State. They also know those who are merely playing politics with the lives of the people.”
The Government urged political and business leaders of Kogi origin to emulate Hon. Faleke’s sense of responsibility and selfless service to the people.
“Hon. James Faleke has set an example for others to emulate. He has shown that the lives of his people matter. He is not doing all of these to protect a personal interest or his investment or the investment of his friends. He is doing it to protect the Kogi people, his people”, he said.
Fanwo also disclosed that the Government is closely monitoring the activities of illegal miners and their collaborators, vowing that those compromising the security of the state through economic sabotage will face stiff consequences.
“We are aware of the activities of illegal miners and their enablers. Let it be known that the state will not tolerate any action that puts the lives of our people at risk. We are taking bold steps to ensure that criminal actors do not jeopardize the peace we are working hard to build.”
The Kogi State Government reaffirmed its commitment to partnering with patriotic stakeholders like Hon. James Faleke in its mission to secure every corner of the state and preserve the gains already made in law enforcement and public safety.
GRPolitics
The Intellectual Sins of June 12: A Reckoning with Nigeria’s Democratic Conscience
Article Written by Professor Ojo Emmanuel Ademola
Every June 12, Nigeria observes a significant date that embodies both the aspirations for democracy and the painful betrayal of that dream. This day commemorates the 1993 presidential election, celebrated as the most free and fair in the country’s history but ultimately annulled by the military regime led by General Ibrahim Babangida.
While the focus has often been on the political and military figures involved, there has been less emphasis on the intellectual shortcomings that contributed to this democratic failure.
These shortcomings—the “intellectual sins” of June 12—include silence, complicity, and ideological failures that continue to impact Nigeria’s pursuit of democracy.
The Election That Could Have Changed Everything:
On June 12, 1993, Nigerians came together to vote for Chief Moshood Kashimawo Olawale (MKO) Abiola, a well-known southern Muslim celebrated for his wealth, philanthropy, and political acumen. His electoral victory was more than just a tally of votes; it became a powerful symbol of national unity and a collective longing for civilian governance following years of military rule.
The military’s annulment of the election results, based on vague security concerns and claims of irregularities, was profoundly disappointing. This decision was not merely a political manoeuvre; it represented a significant betrayal of the democratic values that the election was meant to uphold.
The Silence of the Intellectual Class:
One of the most troubling aspects of the June 12 crisis was the widespread silence—or, even worse, the rationalizations—by many in Nigeria’s intellectual elite. University professors, public commentators, and thought leaders, who should have served as the nation’s moral compass, largely failed to speak out against the annulment. Some even justified it, wrapping their arguments in legal jargon or appealing to national stability.
The silence in this situation was not neutral; it was an act of complicity. During times of national crisis, when the intelligentsia chooses to remain silent, this absence is not merely a lack of comment—it is an endorsement of the status quo. Nigeria’s intellectual class’s failure to provide a strong defence of democracy in 1993 highlighted a more profound issue: a lack of genuine commitment to democratic governance.
Ethnic Chauvinism and the Failure of National Integration:
The annulment highlighted the fragility of Nigeria’s national identity. Although Abiola had widespread appeal across the country, the decision to invalidate his victory was perceived mainly as influenced by northern political elites who were uneasy about a southern Muslim becoming president. This perception, whether accurate or not, strengthened the belief that Nigeria’s democracy is held captive by ethnic and regional interests.
Once again, the intellectual class fell short. Instead of confronting the ethnicization of politics, many scholars and commentators either overlooked it or contributed to it. The chance to use June 12 as a catalyst for national integration and civic nationalism was missed.
The Legal and Constitutional Vacuum:
The events of June 12 highlighted Nigeria’s fragile legal and constitutional framework. The annulment of the election exposed the country’s institutions as inadequate in preventing executive overreach and safeguarding the electoral process. At that time, there was a lack of an independent judiciary capable of contesting military actions, an ineffective legislature to oversee government activities, and a civil society that was not sufficiently strong to mobilize in response.
The Institutional weakness in Nigeria was not a coincidence; it stemmed from years of intellectual neglect. The country’s legal scholars, constitutional designers, and policy thinkers did not create a system robust enough to resist authoritarian tendencies. Consequently, the annulment of electoral processes directly resulted from this inadequacy.
The Myth of Transition Without Transformation:
The military’s commitment to transitioning Nigeria to civilian rule was fraught with inconsistencies. The annulment of the June 12 elections exposed the illusion that democratic governance could be realised without a fundamental change in the country’s political culture. The transition program itself was characterized by a top-down approach, a lack of transparency, and a focus on maintaining the interests of the elite.
Many intellectuals were drawn into the myth surrounding a purportedly democratic transition process. By actively participating in advisory roles, they inadvertently lent credibility to a system that lacked true democratic principles. Their failure to critically examine the underlying foundations of this transition program represents a significant intellectual oversight.
The Repetition of History:
The aftermath of June 12 has had lasting repercussions for Nigeria, as the country seems trapped in a cycle of repeating past mistakes. Key issues such as electoral malpractice, the dominance of elites over democratic institutions, and the suppression of dissent are still prevalent in the political landscape. Unfortunately, society has not fully grasped or embraced the vital lessons from June 12, indicating a failure to learn from history.
The recurring failures In Nigeria’s democracy highlight a deeper intellectual shortcoming, as there is a reluctance to engage in critical self-reflection and necessary institutional reform. It is simpler for leaders to honour June 12 through ceremonies and speeches rather than address the uncomfortable realities that emerge from this historical moment.
A Path to Redemption:
Nigeria needs to initiate a new democratic renaissance to address the intellectual shortcomings highlighted on June 12. This revival should focus on enhancing civic education, implementing institutional reforms, and reaffirming a strong commitment to democratic values.
1. Enhancing civic education within society is essential to ensuring the vitality of democracy. This involves prioritizing the teaching of democratic principles, critical thinking, and active citizenship in schools, universities, and media outlets. By doing so, citizens will become more aware of their rights and responsibilities, thus fostering a more engaged and informed populace.
2. Strengthen Institutions: A functioning democracy requires that the judiciary, electoral commission, and legislature operate without political interference. Achieving this necessitates legal reforms and a significant cultural shift in how power is exercised and contested within society.
3. Empower a New Generation of Public Intellectuals: Nigeria requires independent thinkers who prioritize democratic values over ethnic or political affiliations. These intellectuals should courageously challenge authority and advocate for democratic principles, unafraid of potential repercussions.
4. Confront the Past Honestly: The June 12 crisis serves as an important historical event that should be incorporated into school curricula and discussed in public forums. It carries significant moral lessons that are essential for understanding the past. By acknowledging and confronting this history, Nigeria can work towards establishing a more just and democratic future.
Conclusion: Democracy as a Moral Imperative
June 12 serves as a powerful reminder of Nigeria’s complex democratic journey, highlighting both its potential and challenges. Rather than merely marking the date with hollow statements, engaging in a genuine reflection on the past is essential. The mistakes of that time—characterized by silence, complicity, and ideological failures—should not be repeated. As we honour this day, we must recommit ourselves to the ideals embodied by Abiola’s victory, including justice, unity, and the empowerment of the people.
Democracy transcends being merely a system of governance; it is fundamentally a moral obligation. Every citizen, particularly those influential in shaping public opinion, has the responsibility to uphold and defend democratic principles with bravery, clarity, and firm conviction.
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