GRPolitics
[OPINION] Security Challenges: The Crucifixion Of Nasir El-Rufai
Nasir El- Rufai, governor of Kaduna state, is guilty by association. First is his close association with Muhammadu Buhari, the president of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, who is not particularly popular in a section of the country. Another is El-Rufai’s membership of the hated All Progressives Congress (APC).
The most painful “crime” for his traducers, was El-Rufai’s prominent role in the unprecedented defeat of an incumbent president, which was not shy about mobilising Christian and southern bastions of support for its continuity. Worse for them, was El- Rufai’s effrontery to tongue-lash Goodluck Jonathan, over his very poor handling of the Boko Haram security challenges.
For the traducers of El-Rufai’, it doesn’t really matter that Citizen Nasir El-Rufai’s pointed critique of President Goodluck Jonathan’s handling of security was validly made. And that the critique cannot be turned against Governor El-Rufai who is not the president and does not have the powers of that office and the leverage he expected Jonathan to deploy.
Only a biased mind would fail to acknowledge that as governor, El-Rufai has done everything that a state governor without a military and police can do. The reality is that El-Rufai is just the glorified “chief security officer” of Kaduna state. Nor do his traducers realize that trying to judge El-Rufai, as if he were the president, and commander-in-chief of the Armed Forces, is like comparing oranges and apples.
Nigerians are living witnesses to the public humiliation of Sanwo-Olu, the governor of Lagos state, by the police officer. What Sanwo-Olu went through, is the lot of the governors, the so-called chief security officers. Rotimi Ameachi, as Rivers state governor, had a police commissioner that was uncontrollable and openly disrespectful.
Given this background, it’s not surprising that no other governor in Nigeria is viciously called out like Nasir El-Rufai is usually savaged, whenever there are security breaches in their states. Though many of the governors are beneficiaries of the Buhari tsunami, because they said absolutely nothing in public about their darling Jonathan, the traducers of El-Rufai have excused inaction, and they can even host terrorists in the government house. If El-Rufai, had dared to host a terrorist, like Aminu Masari of Katsina state did, he would have been a dead man. Not even the governors of Niger, Katsina, and Zamfara states, whose security situation can’t by any means be compared to that of Kaduna state, attract any condemnation.
Since Monday when the Abuja-Kaduna train was unfortunately attacked to date, the video of El- Rufai criticising former president Goodluck Jonathan, has been trending. And it is being used against him in a manner that suggests retaliation. But are those posting the video denying the fact that Goodluck Jonathan woefully failed in his responsibilities as the president? No! Because privately some of them have owned up that it’s payback time for El- Rufai’s strident criticism of Jonathan and his association with President Buhari.
But whether El-Rufai’s traducers like it or not, there is no governor that has given the security challenges the attention that El-Rufai has nor put forward concrete proposals of how the terrorists can be defeated. The only snag is that Nasir El-Rufai is not the president, who the constitution has solely bestowed the coercive power of the state in, so he can only continue to lobby Abuja to do the needful.
El-Rufai remains the only governor that established a special purpose ministry of internal security in 2019 at the beginning of his second term, to coordinate the various agencies, in reaction to the increasing security challenges. No other impacted state has reacted to the problem as El-Rufai did.
From 2007 to 2021, El-Rufai vigorously led the campaign to designate the bandits as terrorists to enable the military legitimately go after them without fear of international criminal court indictments. Ever far-sighted, El- Rufai, in the last few years, has been pushing for the massive recruitment of 774,000 youths (1,000 per local government area) into the security forces, to enable them to crush the terrorists. Clearly, the less than 200,000 strong armed forces, are overwhelmed and overstretched by the various crises confronting the country. The recruitment will, apart from increasing the boots on the ground, reduce unemployment amongst the youthful population.
The one reason why the terrorists are winning and will continue to win is because of the limited numbers of boots on the ground, coupled with the fact that they are not well equipped and lacking in the technology that can make their limited numbers count, and not because El-Rufai criticised Goodluck Jonathan.
In the words of Mallam Nasir El- Rufai: “None of the military services, nor other security agencies has been suitably expanded in numbers and equipment for over a decade since the insurgency in the north-east pushed things to a new low. This country does not have enough soldiers, uniformed police and secret police to project state power across its vast swathes, particularly the forests”. This is the real issue that his traducers should have spent their precious time addressing, rather than being fixated on his attack on Jonathan, which beyond demonising changes absolutely nothing.
He has equally been canvassing for the establishment of state police, which the national assembly just threw out for no justifiable reason other than perceived fear of misuse, which safety controls would have taken care of.
The other proposal by El-Rufai is for the military to carpet-bomb the forests which are providing refuge for the terrorists. Yes, the forests will be destroyed, but they can be replanted like Nigeria reconstructed the destroyed infrastructure during the civil war. He said: “I have always believed that we should carpet-bomb the forests. We can replant the trees after. Let’s carpet-bomb the forests and bomb all of them. There will be collateral damage, but it’s better to wipe them out and get people back to our communities so that agriculture and rural economies can pick up”.
Again from experience, he has been canvassing for the setting up a theatre command for better coordination of operations in the north-west zone and Niger state.
To crush the terrorists, El- Rufai has also been canvassing for better funding for the armed forces and the security agencies. He should know because he buys, fuels and maintains the operational vehicles of the Nigerian Police and the Civil Defence Corps, without his intervention, they would have long been grounded. Kaduna state also pays N1,000,000 to the immediate family of any law enforcement officer killed in active duty.
His traducers are not interested in understanding why previous military operations in Kaduna state and other north-west states awfully failed, only his demonisation matters. Were they, they would have known that it is because the armed forces lacked the requisite manpower, to launch military operations simultaneously in all the troubled states. The military to date hasn’t refuted this fact, which the Chadian military hierarchy has equally derided the Nigerian military over. There is no doubt only massive recruitment will give them that capability.
El- Rufai’s critics need to understand that his suggestions on winning the war against terrorism are a holistic package and that every item in the package is well thought out. We must stop deluding ourselves, that half-measures will restore normalcy. Nigeria is technically at war. And only a strategically coordinated all-out offensive against the terrorists will give us the results we desire.
El-Rufai’s situation reminds one of the fate of Cinna in Julius Caesar, by Williams Shakespeare. The poet Cinna, had, unfortunately, run into the mob seeking out the conspirators. Being a poet, he attempted to engage them wittily, which only further angered the already enraged mob. Even though Cinna wasn’t their intended target, he was nevertheless killed, for “his bad verse”, despite his protests that he wasn’t Cornelius Cinna, the conspirator they were looking for.
El-Rufai is a victim of an organised mob and mobs like we know lack the capacity to reason because they are usually angry and worked up. The only problem is that their anger is usually misdirected, as in this case, against El-Rufai. The scene in that epic work; the mob mentality, violence, and outright intimidation of anyone with opposing viewpoints, is not any different from the situation in Nigeria today.
The majority of those hounding Nasir El-Rufai over the security challenges confronting Kaduna state, and other states of the north-west and Niger state in the north-central zone, are unfortunately not interested in a solution. Playing politics with the security situation, with the deeply traumatic events, shows how divided we are.
Like a prophet, he has shouted himself hoarse to a nation that is not willing to listen to constructive proposals on the way forward. El- Rufai has creditably discharged his responsibilities to his country by putting forward a package of proposals for Nigeria to implement, the choice is ours. El-Rufai’s traducers can continue to hound him while massively misjudging the security challenges.
To his traducers, who look forward to El-Rufai insulting Buhari so they can absolve him of his “numerous” sins, they should perish that thought. It will never happen.
Emmanuel Ado
When the President called to inform me of his decision to magnanimously confer on me the the National Award of Commander of the Federal Republic, CFR, on account of my much advertised role in the struggle for the validation of the June 12th election and affirmation of Chief MKO Abiola’s mandate, my first reaction was why only me and not all those unsung heroes.
Those officers and men who actively participated in that struggle, risking their careers and even lives.
Although I was one of the leaders of that movement within the military, my contribution was by no means bigger than theirs.
While I have been recognised and celebrated, including this National Honour by the President, they have remained anonymous.
It is therefore incumbent upon me to reveal the identity of these patriots if only to acknowledge and commend their contributions to the emergence of the current democratic dispensation.
The fact that Chief Abiola, the presumed winner of the June 12th election won over 80% of the Armed Forces votes, clearly demonstrated the contribution of the other members of the military. I should add that this list is by no means exhaustive.
There are a lot more participants who have remained unknown to me since they served under others.
I apologise to all those whose names I must have missed. May God recognise and reward your sacrifice.
Top on my list is my deputy at the Armoured Corps Centre and School, Col MA Garba, whose commitment was so strong that he continued with the execution of our plans after some of us were arrested, detained and mercifully retired in October, 1993. He went on, as he should, to attain the enviable rank of a Major General in the army. Others are:
Others are:
-Lt col Lawal Jaafaru Isa.
-Lt col UF Ahmed.
-Lt col MS Dasuki.
-Lt col ML Gwadabe.
-Lt col J. Temlong.
-Lt col Musa Shehu.
-Lt col Chris Eze.
-Lt col HM Dzarma.
-Lt col Isa Jibrin.
-Lt col JOS Oshanupin.
-Lt Col A Oloruntoba(kabiesi Olugbede of Gbede kingdom).
-Lt col Moke.
-Lt col Happy Bulus.
-Lt col Olagunsoye Oyinlola.
-Col J Okai.
-Col E. Ndubueze.
-Lt col Yakubu Muazu.
-Lt col Yahaya Abubakar ( current Etsu Nupe).
-Major Saad Abubakar (current Sultan of Sokoto).
-Maj Abba Maimalari.
-Maj Jamil Tahir.
-Maj Buzugbe.
-Maj LP Aprezi.
-Maj MK Yake.
-Maj J Dawah.
-Maj Suleiman Wali.
-Maj Dauda Komo.
-Maj Lucky Torrie.
-Maj JS Zaruwa.
-Maj M Sumaye.
-Maj Sani Bawa.
-Maj Ndaliman.
Maj Ahmed.
-Maj M Bawa.
-Lt col JB Ahmadu.
-Capt Junaid Bindawa.
-Capt Lar.
I therefore accept this award with all sense of humility on behalf of all these officers and men. Obviously, it goes without saying that this award will be doubly more meaningful if the democracy we all fought for delivers the real dividends.
This can happen only if leaders at all levels govern with the fear of God and in accordance with the tenets of democracy.
It remains the hope and prayers of all patriots that nothing is done to derail this infant democracy.
To achieve the stability and progress of our democracy, leaders must prioritise good governance over politicking for self aggrandizement.
The three co-equal branches of government must operate independently while cooperating with each other.
One enduring lesson from the conduct of the officers and men is their decision to operate above sycophancy but to hold their superior officers to account.
Sadly, this does not appear to have a positive impact on our political leaders. Sycophancy everywhere has become the scourge of selfless and accountable leadership. It is the reason for the arrogance and vanity we see in our leaders at all levels. Men of straw are widely and falsely being elevated to the position of icons by self seeking sycophants.
Mr President must lead in a war against sycophancy in all its forms. This must allow for no exceptions including the rapidly growing trend of naming and renaming public institutions, facilities and other infrastructure after a President or State Governor while in office.
The other day, the Senate President was reported to have predicted that President Bola Tinubu will win the 2027 election with 99.9% of the votes! Even allowing for the fact that this Senate President is widely known for his humorous incitement, Mr President will do well to shun such oracles.
God bless Nigeria.
Abubakar Dangiwa Umar, Colonel (Rtd)
The Kogi State Government has commended Hon. James Abiodun Faleke, Member Representing Ikeja Federal Constituency in the House of Representatives, for his unbending commitment to the security and wellbeing of his home state, describing him as “a patriotic Kogite who leads by example.”
Faleke, an indigene of Kogi State, recently donated a brand-new Hilux patrol vehicle to support the operations of the newly commissioned Smart Police Divisional Headquarters in Ekinrin-Adde, Ijumu Local Government Area.
The high-tech facility which was facilitated by the Nigeria Police Trust Fund in its collaboration with the Government of Kogi State to ensure security at every corner of the state by modernizing and digitizing security operations in the state.
Speaking with journalists on Sunday, the Kogi State Commissioner for Information and Communications, Kingsley Femi Fanwo, conveyed the appreciation of Governor Ahmed Usman Ododo to the federal lawmaker, stating that Hon. Faleke has demonstrated what it means to place security above politics and people’s well-being above personal ambition.
“The Government of Kogi State wishes to reecho the open commendation earlier given by His Excellency during the commissioning of the Smart Police Divisional Headquarters,” Fanwo said.
“As a Government, we appreciate the demonstrative contribution of Hon. James Faleke to the security architecture and infrastructure of the state. This is how to lead the people with emphasis on security above politics, patriotism above scheming with the lives of our people.”
Fanwo added that Hon. Faleke has played key underground roles in support of intelligence, logistics, and coordination with security agencies, working quietly but effectively with the State Government to ensure lives and property are better protected in Kogi State.
The Commissioner expressed confidence that Faleke’s latest intervention would significantly strengthen security not only in Ijumu but across Okunland, Kogi West, and the entire state.
“This is one intervention that we are sure will improve the security of Ijumu, Okunland, Kogi West, and Kogi as a whole. This is how to make an impact without playing to the gallery. What the people need are concrete interventions that can save lives, not selfish arrangements that protect personal interests at the expense of the people.
“The people know those who are genuinely working for their security, those working closely with the State Government to achieve lasting peace in Kogi State. They also know those who are merely playing politics with the lives of the people.”
The Government urged political and business leaders of Kogi origin to emulate Hon. Faleke’s sense of responsibility and selfless service to the people.
“Hon. James Faleke has set an example for others to emulate. He has shown that the lives of his people matter. He is not doing all of these to protect a personal interest or his investment or the investment of his friends. He is doing it to protect the Kogi people, his people”, he said.
Fanwo also disclosed that the Government is closely monitoring the activities of illegal miners and their collaborators, vowing that those compromising the security of the state through economic sabotage will face stiff consequences.
“We are aware of the activities of illegal miners and their enablers. Let it be known that the state will not tolerate any action that puts the lives of our people at risk. We are taking bold steps to ensure that criminal actors do not jeopardize the peace we are working hard to build.”
The Kogi State Government reaffirmed its commitment to partnering with patriotic stakeholders like Hon. James Faleke in its mission to secure every corner of the state and preserve the gains already made in law enforcement and public safety.
GRPolitics
The Intellectual Sins of June 12: A Reckoning with Nigeria’s Democratic Conscience
Article Written by Professor Ojo Emmanuel Ademola
Every June 12, Nigeria observes a significant date that embodies both the aspirations for democracy and the painful betrayal of that dream. This day commemorates the 1993 presidential election, celebrated as the most free and fair in the country’s history but ultimately annulled by the military regime led by General Ibrahim Babangida.
While the focus has often been on the political and military figures involved, there has been less emphasis on the intellectual shortcomings that contributed to this democratic failure.
These shortcomings—the “intellectual sins” of June 12—include silence, complicity, and ideological failures that continue to impact Nigeria’s pursuit of democracy.
The Election That Could Have Changed Everything:
On June 12, 1993, Nigerians came together to vote for Chief Moshood Kashimawo Olawale (MKO) Abiola, a well-known southern Muslim celebrated for his wealth, philanthropy, and political acumen. His electoral victory was more than just a tally of votes; it became a powerful symbol of national unity and a collective longing for civilian governance following years of military rule.
The military’s annulment of the election results, based on vague security concerns and claims of irregularities, was profoundly disappointing. This decision was not merely a political manoeuvre; it represented a significant betrayal of the democratic values that the election was meant to uphold.
The Silence of the Intellectual Class:
One of the most troubling aspects of the June 12 crisis was the widespread silence—or, even worse, the rationalizations—by many in Nigeria’s intellectual elite. University professors, public commentators, and thought leaders, who should have served as the nation’s moral compass, largely failed to speak out against the annulment. Some even justified it, wrapping their arguments in legal jargon or appealing to national stability.
The silence in this situation was not neutral; it was an act of complicity. During times of national crisis, when the intelligentsia chooses to remain silent, this absence is not merely a lack of comment—it is an endorsement of the status quo. Nigeria’s intellectual class’s failure to provide a strong defence of democracy in 1993 highlighted a more profound issue: a lack of genuine commitment to democratic governance.
Ethnic Chauvinism and the Failure of National Integration:
The annulment highlighted the fragility of Nigeria’s national identity. Although Abiola had widespread appeal across the country, the decision to invalidate his victory was perceived mainly as influenced by northern political elites who were uneasy about a southern Muslim becoming president. This perception, whether accurate or not, strengthened the belief that Nigeria’s democracy is held captive by ethnic and regional interests.
Once again, the intellectual class fell short. Instead of confronting the ethnicization of politics, many scholars and commentators either overlooked it or contributed to it. The chance to use June 12 as a catalyst for national integration and civic nationalism was missed.
The Legal and Constitutional Vacuum:
The events of June 12 highlighted Nigeria’s fragile legal and constitutional framework. The annulment of the election exposed the country’s institutions as inadequate in preventing executive overreach and safeguarding the electoral process. At that time, there was a lack of an independent judiciary capable of contesting military actions, an ineffective legislature to oversee government activities, and a civil society that was not sufficiently strong to mobilize in response.
The Institutional weakness in Nigeria was not a coincidence; it stemmed from years of intellectual neglect. The country’s legal scholars, constitutional designers, and policy thinkers did not create a system robust enough to resist authoritarian tendencies. Consequently, the annulment of electoral processes directly resulted from this inadequacy.
The Myth of Transition Without Transformation:
The military’s commitment to transitioning Nigeria to civilian rule was fraught with inconsistencies. The annulment of the June 12 elections exposed the illusion that democratic governance could be realised without a fundamental change in the country’s political culture. The transition program itself was characterized by a top-down approach, a lack of transparency, and a focus on maintaining the interests of the elite.
Many intellectuals were drawn into the myth surrounding a purportedly democratic transition process. By actively participating in advisory roles, they inadvertently lent credibility to a system that lacked true democratic principles. Their failure to critically examine the underlying foundations of this transition program represents a significant intellectual oversight.
The Repetition of History:
The aftermath of June 12 has had lasting repercussions for Nigeria, as the country seems trapped in a cycle of repeating past mistakes. Key issues such as electoral malpractice, the dominance of elites over democratic institutions, and the suppression of dissent are still prevalent in the political landscape. Unfortunately, society has not fully grasped or embraced the vital lessons from June 12, indicating a failure to learn from history.
The recurring failures In Nigeria’s democracy highlight a deeper intellectual shortcoming, as there is a reluctance to engage in critical self-reflection and necessary institutional reform. It is simpler for leaders to honour June 12 through ceremonies and speeches rather than address the uncomfortable realities that emerge from this historical moment.
A Path to Redemption:
Nigeria needs to initiate a new democratic renaissance to address the intellectual shortcomings highlighted on June 12. This revival should focus on enhancing civic education, implementing institutional reforms, and reaffirming a strong commitment to democratic values.
1. Enhancing civic education within society is essential to ensuring the vitality of democracy. This involves prioritizing the teaching of democratic principles, critical thinking, and active citizenship in schools, universities, and media outlets. By doing so, citizens will become more aware of their rights and responsibilities, thus fostering a more engaged and informed populace.
2. Strengthen Institutions: A functioning democracy requires that the judiciary, electoral commission, and legislature operate without political interference. Achieving this necessitates legal reforms and a significant cultural shift in how power is exercised and contested within society.
3. Empower a New Generation of Public Intellectuals: Nigeria requires independent thinkers who prioritize democratic values over ethnic or political affiliations. These intellectuals should courageously challenge authority and advocate for democratic principles, unafraid of potential repercussions.
4. Confront the Past Honestly: The June 12 crisis serves as an important historical event that should be incorporated into school curricula and discussed in public forums. It carries significant moral lessons that are essential for understanding the past. By acknowledging and confronting this history, Nigeria can work towards establishing a more just and democratic future.
Conclusion: Democracy as a Moral Imperative
June 12 serves as a powerful reminder of Nigeria’s complex democratic journey, highlighting both its potential and challenges. Rather than merely marking the date with hollow statements, engaging in a genuine reflection on the past is essential. The mistakes of that time—characterized by silence, complicity, and ideological failures—should not be repeated. As we honour this day, we must recommit ourselves to the ideals embodied by Abiola’s victory, including justice, unity, and the empowerment of the people.
Democracy transcends being merely a system of governance; it is fundamentally a moral obligation. Every citizen, particularly those influential in shaping public opinion, has the responsibility to uphold and defend democratic principles with bravery, clarity, and firm conviction.
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